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Working languages: Italian to ArabicArabic to ItalianEnglish to Italian Italian to EnglishArabic to EnglishEnglish to Arabic
| Sara Forcella
NA Local time: 09:54 CEST (GMT+2)
Native in: Italian  | |
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More Less | Sample translations submitted: 3 English to Italian: Changing terms- Quando le parole cambiano
General field: Art/Literary
Detailed field: Journalism | Source text - English
The Syrian protests have not only shaped a new way of thinking. They have also created a newvocabulary. At first it seemed that this language was only used by activists who wanted to codify their speech in order to dodge scrutiny and censorship, but the new terms are now commonplace. Everyone from reporters to politicians has changed and expanded the way he speaks and this is shaping public debate around the uprising.
New definitions
Many words that existed outside public discourse before protests began in March are now ubiquitous in the news. Terms such as moondesseen, shabbiha, Aara'eer and bouk are a few examples. Moondesseen and shabbiha are the two most common words, now used in international news broadcasts, written in government press releases as well as spoken on the streets.
Shabbiha is a slang word for thugs or gangsters. The term first appeared during the 1990s when Mercedes Benz launched its S-class model of cars. Syrians called this type of car shabah (ghost), and therefore its riders were called shabbiha. This group of people, wealthy and well-connected, dominated social life in Syria and operated largely in the shadows of society. They also had impunity in the country. Analysts say that with the blessing of the leadership, the shabbiha carried out illegal activities such as smuggling.
Although Syrians whispered stories about them, the shabbiha were rarely mentioned in the media until the dissent broke out. Then, the group helped crack down on protests and it became a word to describe unofficial security forces.
"The first wave of [people who come to stop] the protests is the shabbiha who try to penetrate the demonstrators' lines to weaken their defence and unity," said Ruba, 27, a communications specialist who watches protests occurring in Kafar Sousseh near al-Rifaii mosque. "Then the official forces continue by detaining or dispersing the demonstrators."
The exchanges Ruba witnessed were brutal and frightening, she said.
"The shabbiha are always in casual clothes or tracksuit trousers," she said. "One minute they are participating in the march and suddenly they start chasing it."
Pointing fingers
Moondesseen is a popular term created by the pro-regime media to criticise anti-government activists.
"The word moondesseen portrays the protestors as foreigners tucked among the real people of Syria because of an international conspiracy against the most powerful country in the region," said Wael Marakbi, 68, a retired pharmacist who is wary of the revolution and believes the opposition is composed of infiltrators.
"I lived through the coups of the 1960s and would not want my grandchildren to bear the consequences of such revolutions," he said. "I believe the conspiracy theories and I am sure Syria and its leaders will pull us out of this crisis with the least possible damage."
Marakbi said the word moondesseen accurately describes the demonstrators.
"I am still not impressed by the ideology of the current movement," he said. "Those against the regime are scattered and mostly living abroad with no deep knowledge of our history and nature. Maybe it's only fair to name them moondesseen."
Another term commonly used by regime loyalists describe followers of a certain ideology. Adnan Aaro'ur, 63, is a Syrian cleric from Hama who is currently based in Riyadh in Saudi Arabia. Aaro'ur has appeared on several satellite channels where, since March, he has spoken out openly and aggressively against the regime. His followers are religious conservatives who, since the uprising began, people simply call Aara'eer.
Critical language
Bouk (trumpet) is one of the words employed by anti-government citizens in order to critique their pro-regime counterparts. It describes someone who repeats – or trumpets – the regime's stories and actions without questioning it. Bouks are unpopular participants in political discussions critical of the regime, since they are known for repeating the talking points issued in state media propaganda.
Social media networks have been the focal point for political discourse and therefore are the place where these newly popular words are most frequently used. Through the Internet, the younger generation publicises these words and gives them global audience. Some people even create Facebook groups and pages that support or mock these words.
A speaker's vocabulary choice is a telltale of his or her political orientation. If someone refers to the protestors as moondesseen, then he or she is usually a supporter of the regime who believes the current situation is a temporary ordeal caused by foreign countries. Those who refer to shabbiha generally support the demands of the demonstrators.
The popularity of many other words has skyrocketed since the uprising began. Terms and phrases such as eyewitness, armed groups, regime and 'revolutionary coordination committee' were rarely used before March. While by definition neutral, the way they are employed helps to signal the sympathies of the speaker.
"The 'armed gangs' are usually the alibi of the authorities and the official response when casualties occur," Randa, 39, a news analyst and freelance writer said. "These groups are still unknown to both sides, which gives the authorities more time and flexibility to handle the crackdown."
"The relationship between culture and language is an ongoing one," Radwan al-Malki, 54, a private Arabic language tutor in Damascus, said. "The daily use of colloquial words is important. They will make it into the dictionary after a certain amount of time of consistent usage."
"The Arabic language is not known for its flexibility, but new terms are making their way into local dialect dictionaries in each Arabic country. For example: shabbiha in Syria is equivalent to baltagi in Egypt and Tunisia with a minor spelling change in Yemen," Malki said.
The ambiguity of terms is in part due to the fact that the meaning of what is happening in Syria remains unclear. Is it a revolution or a riot? Are shabbiha or moondesseen responsible for the violence against protesters? Will the Aara'eer teachings prevail over secularism in Syria? Will the bouk be silenced? Whatever the answer to these questions, the protests have ushered in a whole new array of vocabulary. | Translation - Italian
I siriani impiegano una terminologia esclusiva per parlare del malcontento
• di Rana Tamimi. Caricatura di Ala Rostom. Syria Today (ottobre 2011). Traduzione e testo di Sara Forcella
Ottobre 2011- Le proteste in Siria non soltanto hanno ridefinito un nuovo modo di pensare. Hanno anche creato un nuovo vocabolario. Tutti, dai reporter ai politici, hanno cambiato ed ampliato il proprio modo di parlare, dando nuova forma al dibattito pubblico sulle rivolte.
Nuove definizioni
Molte parole esistenti dolo al di fuori del dibattito pubblico prima delle proteste iniziate a Marzo sono adesso onnipresenti nei notiziari; alcuni esempi: termini come moondesseen, shabbiha, Aara'eer e bouk. Moondesseen e shabbiha sono le parole più comuni.
Shabbiha in gergo vuol dire ‘teppista’ o ‘gangster’; il termine appare per la prima volta durante gli anni Novanta quando Mercedes Benz lanciò il suo modello di macchine classe-S. I siriani allora chiamarono questo tipo di macchina shabah (fantasma), e perciò coloro che la guidavano furono nominati shabbiha. Gli analisti dicono che con l’appoggio delle classi dirigenti gli shabbiha svolgevano attività illegali, come il contrabbando. Sebbene i Siriani parlassero di loro a bassa voce, gli shabbiha venivano raramente menzionati dai media finchè il dissenso non è esploso. In seguito, il gruppo ha aiutato la repressione delle proteste e la parola è stata così utilizzata per indicare le forze di sicurezza non ufficiali.
Dita puntate
Mondesseen è un termine diffuso creato dai media pro regime per criticare gli attivisti anti governativi. “La parola mondesseen descrive i manifestanti come degli stranieri infiltrati tra i veri siriani per cospirare contro il paese più potente della regione”, ha detto Wael Marakbi, un farmacista di 68 anni in pensione che guarda con diffidenza alla rivoluzione e crede che l’opposizione sia composta di infiltrati. Marakbi ha inoltre aggiunto “Credo alle teorie sulla cospirazione e sono convinto che la Siria e i nostri leader ci tireranno fuori da questa crisi col minor danno possibile”.
Un altro termine comunemente usato dai fedeli al regime rappresenta i seguaci di una certa ideologia. Adnan Aaro’ur, 63 anni, è un ecclesiastico siriaco di Hama che ora vive a Riyadh in Arabia Saudita. Aaro’ur è apparso su diversi canali satellitari, dove da marzo ha parlato apertamente e con toni aggressivi contro il regime. I suoi seguaci sono religiosi conservatori che da quando sono iniziate le rivolte, la gente chiama semplicemente Aara’eer.
Linguaggio critico
Bouk (tromba) è una delle parole usate dai cittadini oppositori del regime per criticare la loro contro parte a favore del governo. Il termine si riferisce a chi ripete – e strombazza ai quattro venti- ciò che il regime dice o fa senza mettere nulla in dubbio. I Bouk sono gli impopolari partecipanti nelle discussioni politiche che criticano il regime, poiché ben risaputi replicare gli argomenti di conversazione trattati nella propaganda mediatica di stato.
I social network sono il punto focale per il dibattito politico e divengono perciò il luogo ove queste parole di recente diffusione sono maggiormente usate. Attraverso il web le nuove generazioni le pubblicizzano e danno loro respiro globale; alcuni hanno anche creato su Facebook pagine o gruppi che sostengono o si burlano di questi termini. La scelta del lessico da parte di chi parla è una spia del suo/sua orientamento politico. Se qualcuno si riferisce ai dimostranti come moondesseen, allora lui/lei è solitamente un sostenitore del regime che ritiene l’attuale situazione una temporanea ordalia causata dai paesi stranieri. Coloro i quali parlano di shabbiha generalmente sono a favore delle rivendicazioni di chi protesta.
“La relazione tra cultura e linguaggio è un continuo processo” dice Radwan al-Malki, 54 anni, insegnante privato di lingua araba a Damasco, “La lingua araba non è certo nota per la sua flessibilità, ma i nuovi termini si stanno facendo strada nel lessico dei dialetti locali in ogni paese arabo. Per esempio: shabbiha in Siria corrisponde a baltagi in Egitto e Tunisia, con un piccolo cambiamento nello spelling in Yemen”.
L’ambiguità dei termini è in parte dovuta al fatto che il significato di ciò che sta accadendo in Siria rimane poco chiaro. Si tratta di una rivoluzione o di una sommossa? Sono gli shabbiha o i moondesseen responsabili della violenza contro i manifestanti? Saranno gli insegnamenti degli Aara’eer a prevalere sul secolarismo in Siria? Saranno i Bouk a essere messi a tacere? Qualunque siano le risposte a queste domande, le proteste hanno ‘inaugurato’ tutta una nuova serie di vocaboli.
| Italian to English: Lumbago Poster
General field: Medical
Detailed field: Medical (general) | Source text - Italian
Lumbago poster.
PREMESSA E SCOPO DEL LAVORO.
Incidenza della lumbago
Dall’esame della letteratura emerge che tra il 70 ed il 90% della popolazione attiva subisce almeno un episodio di lumbago nel corso della vita, che il 35% della popolazione ultra 65 enne soffre di lombalgia cronica, ma stupisce che da un lavoro del 2009 emerga che il 26% di ragazzi tra gli 11 ed i 14 anni, studenti, soffre di ricorrenti episodi di lumbago.
In genere, il decorso degli episodi acuti è favorevole e la lombalgia si risolve rapidamente: solo una percentuale limitata di pazienti (5%) sviluppa lombalgia cronica a seguito di un episodio acuto.
La maggior parte dei soggetti non subisce singoli attacchi di lombalgia, ma spesso affronta recidive acute che si innestano su manifestazioni croniche. Secondo alcuni Autori, il rischio cumulativo di recidiva entro 12 mesi è di 73% (IC 95% = 59%-88%).
Sulla popolazione in generale, tra coloro che per un episodio acuto cercano assistenza medica, il 62% continuerà ad avere dolore ad un anno di distanza.
Secondo uno studio condotto negli Stati Uniti circa il 90% delle lombalgie resta senza diagnosi etiologica., il 4% dei pazienti con lombalgia è affetto da fratture associate a osteoporosi, il 3% da spondilolistesi, lo 0,7% da un tumore o da una metastasi, lo 0,3% da spondilite anchilosante e lo 0,01% da infezioni. Fattori favorenti l’insorgenza di lombalgia sono considerati: sedentarietà, disturbi metabolici, attività lavorativa deteriorante, esiti traumatici, ma anche stress emotivi od ansia-depressione, comportamenti scorretti come fumo o alimentazione incongrua, somatizzazione.
Non esiste una classificazione valida per definire la lombalgia senza eziologia nota, generalmente si impiegano criteri temporali: si definisce acuta quando di durata inferiore a sei settimane, subacuta quella che raggiunge i tre mesi e cronica la lombalgia di durata superiore ai tre mesi.
Da questa breve e succinta disamina della letteratura emerge che la lumbago deve essere considerata una malattia multifattoriale, vale a dire che cause diverse determinano una risposta sintomatica uguale, come si verifica nei Sistemi Complessi.
Scopo del lavoro è quello di cercare nuove possibilità interpretative seguendo il modello della complessità e conseguentemente integrare la terapia specifica con interventi che riescono a modificare l’andamento progressivo della malattia.
| Translation - English
Lumbago Poster
Introduction and the work objective
Incidence of Lumbago
As a result of a literature examination, it emerges that between 70% and 90% of the active population experiences at least an episode of lumbago in his life, while the 35% of the over 65-year-old suffers from chronic lower back pain. What is new is that 26% of students between 11 and 14 years are affected by quite frequent episodes of lumbago, according to a study dated at 2009.
Generally speaking, the course of the acute episodes is positive and the low back pain disappears quickly. Just a limited percentage of patients, 5%, develop chronic lower back pain following up an acute episode. The majority of people do not experiences single attacks of lower back pain but they face very often acute relapses that graft onto chronic onsets. According to some authors, the cumulative risk of relapse within 12 months is 73%
On the population overall, 62% of people who looks for medical assistance following up an acute episode will continue having pain after a year away.
With reference to an American study, around 90% of lower back pains remain without etiologic diagnosis, 4% of patients are affected fractures associated with osteoporosis, 3% by spondylolisthesis, 0.7% by a tumor or metastasis, 0.3% by ankylosing spondylitis, 0.01% by infection. Factors considered to foster the onset of lower back pain are: physical inactivity, metabolic disturbances, deteriorating work, traumatico utcomes, but also emotional stress or anxiety-depression, inappropriate behaviour such as smoking or incongruous nutrition and somatisation. Since a valid classification to define lower back pain with unknown etiology does not exist, temporal criterions are generally applied in this sense: it is considered as acute, if it lasts less than six weeks; sub-acute, when it continues (or when continuing?) for 3 months and chronic if it persists longer than 90 days.
By examining literature briefly and shortly, it emerges that lumbago is to be considered as a multifactorial disease, ie different causes lead to the same symptomatic response, as for complex systems.
Our aim is to look for new interpreting possibilities according to the model of complexity and subsequently integrate the specific therapy with interventions that can modify the progressive course of the disease
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| Italian to Arabic: circolare scolastica
General field: Social Sciences
Detailed field: Education / Pedagogy | Source text - Italian
MINISTERO dell’ISTRUZIONE, dell’UNIVERSITA’ e della RICERCA
UFFICIO SCOLASTICO REGIONALE per il LAZIO
77° Circolo Didattico “G. G. BELLI”
Viale Venezia Giulia n. 50 – 00177 R O M A
06.2592687 - 06.2592951 fax 06.2592687 RMEE077003@istruzione.it
Prot. n. 5024/B 23 del 5 ottobre 2009
Ai genitori degli alunni interessati dei plessi “Belli” e “Giovanni XXIII”
Oggetto: Laboratori extrascolastici - rivolti ad alunni stranieri - finalizzati allo studio e all’approfondimento della lingua italiana. Anno scolastico 2009/10.
Egregio Signore, Gentile Signora,
la nostra scuola ha attivato, in orario extrascolastico, un laboratorio - destinato agli alunni stranieri - per lo studio e l’approfondimento della lingua italiana, in aggiunta a ciò che quotidianamente gli insegnanti svolgono durante la normale attività scolastica.
Questi laboratori rappresentano un’ulteriore opportunità per i vostri figli di acquisire una maggiore competenza nella comprensione della lingua italiana e nella relativa produzione orale e scritta.
Gli alunni frequenteranno il laboratorio nei martedì del calendario sottoriportato - dalle ore 16,30 alle ore 18,30 - sia nel plesso “Belli” sia nel plesso “Giovanni XXIII”.
Gli alunni che nella giornata del martedì terminano le lezioni alle ore 16,15 si tratterranno direttamente a scuola per la frequenza del laboratorio.
Le eventuali assenze dovranno essere giustificate per iscritto ai docenti del laboratorio. Superate le tre assenze ingiustificate si decade dalla fruizione del servizio.
Questo è il calendario:
1° incontro: 20.10.2009 7° incontro: 12.1.2010
2° incontro: 27.10.2009 8° incontro: 19.1.2010
3° incontro: 3.11.2009 9° incontro: 26.1.2010
4° incontro: 10.11.2009 10° incontro: 2.2.2010
5° incontro: 17.11.2009 11° incontro: 9.2.2010
6° incontro: 24.11.2009 12° incontro: 23.2.2010
Certi di una vostra adesione all’iniziativa, si inviano distinti saluti, con la preghiera di restituire agli insegnanti di classe il sottoriportato “tagliando”, compilato e firmato, entro venerdì 16.10.2009.
Il Dirigente Scolastico del 77° Circolo: prof.ssa Fabiola Conte
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TAGLIANDO DA RESTITUIRE ALLA SCUOLA
Io sottoscritto _________________________________________________, genitore dell'alunno/a ____________________________________ classe ______ sez. ______ del 77° Circolo Didattico di Roma, autorizzo mio/a figlio/a a partecipare al laboratorio di “Lingua Italiana” che si svolgerà fino al mese di febbraio 2010, nei locali della scuola, il martedì dalle ore 16,30 alle ore 18,30.
Roma, ________________ Firma ___________________________
| Translation - Arabic
المكتب المدرّسي المحليّ في لاسيو
الدورة السابعة والسبعين للتدريس "G. G.Belli"
Viale Venezia Giulia n.50 – 00177 Roma
هاتف: 062592687 ، 06259295 ، fax 062592687 ، e-mail: RMEE077003@istruzione.it
الرقم : /ب٥٠٢٤ من الخامس تشرين الأوّل
الى آهالي طلاّب المدارس المهتمّ "Belli" و "Giovanni XXIII"
الموضوع : المخابر خارج أوقات المدرسة - ¬ للطلاّب الأجانب - المخصّص لدرسة و لتعميق اللغة الإيطاليّة العام الدرسيّ ٢٠٠٩/٢٠١٠
السادة المحترمين والسيدات المحترمات،
مدرستنا افتتحت مخبراً مخصصاً لطلاب الأجانب - خارج أوقات المدرسة - للتعمّق في دراسة اللغة الإيطاليّة ، إضافةً الى عمل المدرّسين خلال الدروس النظاميّة.
هذه المخابر عبارةً عن فرصة اخرى للأبناﺋكم للتحسين فهْمهم للغة الإيطاليّة و القراءة والكتابة.
الطلاب سيداومون في المخبر ايامَ الثلاثاء في الجدوال أدناهُ - من الساعة الرابعة و النصف مساءً حتى الساعة السادسة و النصف - سواءً قي المدرسة Belli و المدرسة Giovanni XIII.
الطلاب اللذين يُنْهون دروسهم في الساعة الرابعة والرُبْع مساءً سيبْقون في المدرسة مباشرةً لمتاعبة المخبر.
في حال الغياب الاعتذارات يَجد أن تقدّم مكتوباً للمدرّسين المخبر. في حال تجاوُز ثلاث غيابات غير مبرّرة يُحْرَم الطالب من متعابة الدورة.
هذه الجدوال:
الدرس الأوّل : -10-200920
الدرس الثانيّ : -10-200927
الدرس الثالث: -11-20093
الدرس الرابع: 10 -11-2009
الدرس الخامس: -11-200917
الدرس السادس: -11-200924
الدرس السابع : 12 -1-2010
الدرس الثامن: 19 -1-2010
الدرس التاسع: 26 -1-2010
الدرس العاشر: 2 -2-2010
الدرس الحادليّة عشرة: 9 -2-2010
الدرس الثانيّة عشرة: 23 - 2-2010
نحن واثقون من تعاونكم ، نُرْسل لكم تحياتناً ، مع الرجاء بإ رسال الجزء اللآسفل الى
مدرّسي الصفّ ، مملوءً و موقعاً ، لغاية يوم الجمعة ١٦تشرين الأوّل ٢٠٠٩ .
المديرالدورة السابعة والسبعين المدرّسيّ : ألأستاذة Fabiola Conte.
يُقصّ للإرسال الى المدرسة:
أنا الموقّع ادناهُ .................................................. أهالي الطالب/ة .......................................
في الصفّ ........................................................... رمز ..............................................
من الدورة السابع والسابعين للتدريس في روما ، يسمَح للإبني / إبنتي بألمشاركة في مخبر اللغة الإيطاليّة اللّذي سيستمر حتّى شهر شبّاط ٢٠١٠ في مكان المدرسة في ايام الثلاثاء من الساعة الرابعة و النصف مساءً حتى الساعة السادسة و النصف .
ألتوقيع ألتاريج
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More Less | | Other - Bourguiba School Of Tunis University al-Manar | | Years of translation experience: 1. Registered at ProZ.com: Nov 2011. | | N/A | | N/A | | N/A | | Microsoft Excel, Microsoft Word | | About me I’ve chosen to involve in Arabic studies for six years, since I enrolled at the faculty of Oriental Studies in Rome-“La Sapienza”. My passion for this field has turned into a sure and real interest , hoping that in the future this area will be an important career for me. Over the three years of undergraduate I’ve had the opportunity to achieve a general understanding of several aspects of the Arabic world (history, religion, law, architecture, philosophy). After three years of studying my bachelor degree I decided to specialize in a linguistic and literary field, both in modern standard Arabic and Arabic dialectology.
After a significant period spent in the regions my language skills have developed quickly and are at an advanced level: it includes eight months in Tunisia as a student at Bourguiba Institute of Tunis (where I got the final diploma at the Bourguiba Institute, University al Manar, with a high score) and three months in Syria to attend Arabic classes at Damascus' University. The time spent in Magreb and Mashreq has consolidated my passion for these regions' societes. In addition it was a great opportunity to meet and compare my ideas with people from different cultures.
Over my graduate courses I’ve focused on many different uses of Arabic as a written language from the journalistic to literary field. During the second year of my laurea degree course I served an internship for three months with an Ong called “Un ponte per” in Rome. This stage gave me the opportunity to familiarize with the Arabic press by translating many news items and supervising Syrian blogs, as well as let getting used to working with a staff. Furthermore I’ve studied contemporary Arabic literature in modern standard language and also folk literature in dialect; by analyzing the different structures of tales, novels, drama and poetry I have noticed the main features of such genre and developed a personal critical view of them that helped me to enter inside the Arabic culture and mentality in a different way. Studying the literature of a country is the best way to understand the real spirit of the people and to catch in depth the true expression. Up to this point my academic studies have been concentrated on language and translation as my two dissertation works: in the first I translated popular short stories about Damascus’ quarter, with a phonetic analysis while in the last I dealt with four Yemeni drama's translation accompanied by textual criticism.
At the moment, I'm working on some academic articles, which are due to be published shortly. |
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Keywords: arabic, italian, english, travel guides, medicine
Profile last updated
Nov 29, 2011 |
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