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Joseph Brazauskas
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Quae philosophia fuit, facta est philologia.

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Translation, Editing/proofreading, Software localization, Voiceover (dubbing), Subtitling, Post-editing, Transcription

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Certificates, Diplomas, Licenses, CVs	Poetry & Literature
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Latin to English - Rates: 0.15 - 0.20 USD per word / 45 - 55 USD per hour
English to Latin - Rates: 0.20 - 0.25 USD per word / 50 - 60 USD per hour
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Questions answered: 400, Questions asked: 20 Easy / 85 PRO, PRO-level points: 598

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Project Details	Project Summary	Corroboration
Editing/proofreading Volume: 11000 words Completed: Nov 2007 Languages: Latin to English	Copy-editing a bilingual Latin <> English Dictionary Ms. Bentley was polite, professional, helpful, and forbearing throughout the many difficulties which beset and delayed this project, which nevertheless proved a success. I owe her many thanks. Printing & Publishing	positive Unlisted : Joseph was wonderful to work with -- amazingly thorough and precise, with impressive attention to detail. I most appreciated that he stayed in close contact, checking with me on various issues before acting on them (instead of presuming how to handle).
Translation Volume: 11 days Completed: Aug 2007 Languages: Latin to English	Translation of 18th Century Medical Correspondence The publishers were very professional and prompt with their payment. Medical (general)	positive Pickering & Chatto Publishers: A good professional service
Translation Volume: 1133 words Completed: Jun 2007 Languages: Latin to English	Several chapters from a late Renaissance work on astronomy and astrology. Santi and Ulrike are extremely personable, helpful, encouraging, professional, solicitous, forebearing, and prompt with payment. I enjoy working for them immensely. Astronomy & Space	No comment.
Translation Volume: 19 days Completed: Mar 2007 Languages: English to Latin	Latin & English Proofreading, Translation, & Phoneticisation for Calendar Vince was as polite and professional, as well as jovial and affable, a person to work with as he has been in regard to all the other projects on which I've worked for him. Education / Pedagogy	No comment.
Translation Volume: 13313 words Completed: May 2006 Languages: English to Latin	The first PC game in Latin- Glorie die Rőmer. Nina Lampinen and her colleagues are a delight to work for. Their high standards of professionalsim and expertise, their encouragement, helpful suggestions, courtesy, and forbearance made the very difficult task of translating a PC game into Classical Latin a most enjoyable and stimulating experience. Computers: Software	No comment.

24 entries

Wire transfer, Check, Money order, Visa, MasterCard, Discovery, American Express, Electronic Bank Transfer

Sample translations submitted: 12

Latin to English: Carmen Arvale
Source text - Latin Carmen Arvale = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, VI.2104, v.31 et seqq.; 1,2 (218 CE) [Ibi sacerdotes clusi succincti libellis acceptis carmen descindentes tripodiaverunt in verba haec:] Enos Lases iuvate, [e]nos Lases iuvate, enos Lases iuvate. Neve luae rue, Marma[r], sins incurrere in pleores, neve lue rue, Marmar, [si]ns incurrere in pleores, neve lue rue, Marmar, sers incurrere in pleoris. Satur fu, [f]ere Mars, limen [sal]i, sta berber, satur fu, fere Mars, limen sali, sta berber, satur fu, fere Mars, limen sa[l]i, saiisia berber. [Sem]unis alternei advocapit conctos, semunis alternei advocapit conctos, simunis alternie advocapit [conct]os! Enos Marmor iuvato, enos Marmor iuvato, enos Ma[r]mor iuvato. Triumpe, triumpe, triumpe, trium[pe, tri]umpe. [Post tripodationem deinde signo dato publici introierunt et libellos receperunt.]	Translation - English The Arval Hymn [Then the priests--in seclusion, their undergarments tucked up, and having taken up the books--apportioned the (verses of the) hymn* and danced to these words:] Help us, Lares, help us, Lares, help us, Lares, nor let Lua's wrath,** Marmar, fall upon more, nor let Lua's wrath, Marmar, fall upon more, nor let Lua's wrath, Marmar, fall upon more. Be satisfied,† fierce Mars; leap the threshold; stand right there,†† be satisfied, fierce Mars; leap the threshold; stand right there, be satisfied, fierce Mars; leap the threshold; stand right there. Let each in turn summon all the Semones,‡ let each in turn summon all the Semones, let each in turn summon all the Semones. Let Marmor‡‡ help us, let Marmor help us, let Marmor help us. O parade, parade, parade, parade, parade! Then after the dancing, the signal having been given, the public slaves came in and took back the books. * Or 'split up [into groups] and danced the hymn to these words'. ** Lua is mentioned as Saturn's cult partner by Gellius (13.23.2). Livy (40.33.2; cf. 8.1.6) says that arms won from the enemy were consecrated to Lua Mater, Mars, and Minerva by burning them. Her name seems to be connected with 'lues', 'plague' (used also of any kind of calamity, including war), but alternatively it may be derived from l'uere', 'to purify'. Nothing else is known of her, and it is not even certain that the otherwise meaningless 'luae' and 'lue' of the tablet refer to her. Supposing that they do, I hazard 'iram', 'wrath', for 'rue', although 'lu(a)erue' may in fact be one word. † Or 'be fruitful', which is perhaps the more likely sense, to judge from what follows. †† The meaning of 'berber' is quite unknown. I render it according to a hint of H.J. Rose, but Warmington's 'verbera', 'beat [the ground]', is attractive, as is also Preller's interpretation 'stay thy scourge'. But certainty is impossible here. ‡ The Semones (cf. Semo Sancus Dius Fidius) are generally thought to be gods of sowing--a conclusion which is natural enough, considering the obvious etymology (from 'serere', 'to sow') and Mars' dual nature as god of agriculture as well as of war. ‡‡ Marmor, like Marmar, is simply a reduplicated form of Mars; cf. Mamers, said to be Oscan for Mars.
Latin to English: Q. Ennii Annales, Lib. I
Source text - Latin Fragmentum apud Ciceronem, de divinatione, 1.20.40 Excita quom tremulis anus attulit artubus lumen, talia tum memorat lacrumans exterrita somno: "Euridica prognata, pater quam noster amavit, vires vitaque corpus meum nunc deserit omne! Nam me visus homo pulcher per amoena salicta et ripas raptare locosque novos; ita sola postilla, germana soror, errare videbar, tardaque vestigare et quaerere te, neque posse corde capessere; semita nulla pedem stabilibat. Exin conpellare pater me voce videtur his verbis: 'O gnata, tibi sunt ante ferendae aerumnae, post ex fluvio fortuna resistet.' Haec ecfatus pater, germana, repente recessit, nec sese dedit in conspectum corde cupitus, quamquam multa manus ad caeli caerula templa tendebam lacrumans et blanda voce vocabam. Vix aegro tum corde meo me somnus reliquit."	Translation - English When an old woman on trembling limbs had swiftly brought a lamp, then Ilia, terrified from sleep, spoke thus through her tears: "Child of Euridica, whom father loved, now life's vigour forsakes me utterly! For a beautiful man seemed to seize me and carry me off through eerie places, through stands of willow by the banks of streams; and afterwards, O true sister, I seemed to wander lone, trudging to track you down, to seek you out, but I could not grasp you with my mind; no path lent strength to my step. And then father's voice seemed to call to me in these words: 'My child, first will be hardships for your enduring, but after these shall your fortune rise again from the river.' When father had said this, sister, at once he vanished, and though my heart yearned for him, he gave himself to my gaze no longer, no matter how often I raised my hands aloft toward the blue precincts of heaven, weeping and calling him with coaxing voice. Then sleep scarcely left me in my heartache."
Latin to English: M. Porcii Catonis Maioris De Agri Culltura, 134
Source text - Latin 134] Priusquam messim facies, porcam praecidaneam hoc modo fieri oportet. Cereri porca praecidanea porco femina, priusquam hasce fruges condas, far, triticum, hordeum, fabam, semen rapicium. Ture vino Iano Iovi Iunoni praefato, priusquam porcum feminam immolabis. Iano struem [c]ommoveto sic: "Iane pater, te hac strue [c]ommovenda bonas preces precor, uti sies volens propitius mihi liberisque meis domo familiaeque meae". Fertum Iovi [c]ommoveto et mactato sic: "Iuppiter, te hoc ferto obmovendo bonas preces precor uti sies volens propitius mihi liberisque meis domo familiaeque meaemactus hoc ferto". Postea Iano vinum dato sic: "Iane pater, uti te strue [c]ommovenda bonas preces bene precatus sum, eiusdem rei ergo macte vino inferio esto." Postea porcam praecidaneam inmolato. Ubi exta prosecta erunt, Iano struem ommoveto mactatoque item, uti prius obmoveris. Iovi fertum obmoveto mactatoque item, uti prius feceris. Item Iano vinum dato et Iovi vinum dato, item uti prius datum ob struem obmovendam et fertum libandum. Postea Cereri exta et vinum dato.	Translation - English [134] Before you do the harvest, it is meet for the beheaded sow to be done in this way. Sacrifice] a sow to Ceres (as) the beheaded sow before you store away these crops: spelt, wheat, barley, bean, rapeseed. With incense and wine first pray to Janus, Jupiter, and Juno, before you immolate [i.e., sprinkle 'mola', or grain mixed with salt upon] the sow. To Janus offer a heap of cakes [shaped like crossed fingers, according to Festus s.v. 'strues'] thus: "Father Janus, by offering you this heap of cakes I pray good prayers, that you be willingly propitious to me and my children, to my house and my family [family including everyone on the farm from wife and children to slaves and hired hands]." Offer an (oblation) cake to Jupiter and magnify (him) thus: "Jupiter, by offering this cake I pray good prayers, that you be willingly propitious to me and my children, to my house and my family, having been magnified by this cake." Afterwards give Janus wine thus: "Father Janus, just as by offering you a heap of cakes I have well prayed good prayers, by the same token be magnified by the wine below." Aftewards sacrifice [here the context requries that 'immolato' mean actual slaughter] the beheaded sow. When the entrails have been cut out, offer a heap of cakes to Janus and magnify (him) likewise, as you offered (them) before. Offer an oblation cake to Jupiter and magnify (him) likewise, as you did before. Likewise give wine to Janus and give wine to Jupiter, even as prescribed before for offering the heap of cakes and presenting [lit., giving (the gods) a taste of] the oblation cake. Afterwards give the entrails and wine to Ceres. The beheaded sow' (from 'praecidere', 'to lop, cut off', with reference to the head) described by Marcus Porcius Cato (234-149 BCE), the famous censor, orator, historian, and agriculturist, in his treatise 'De agri cultura', 'Of the Tilling of Land'. It was performed before the harvest, while another sacrifice of a sow (according to Gellius 4.6.7), the 'porca succidanea', 'disemboweled sow' (from 'succidere', 'to cut from under'), was performed after the harvest. .
Latin to English: M.Tullii Ciceronis Tusculanae Disputationes, 3.1ff. Detailed field: Poetry & Literature
Source text - Latin I. [1] Quidnam esse, Brute, causae putem, cur, cum constemus ex animo et corpore, corporis curandi tuendique causa quaesita sit ars atque eius utilitas deorum inmortalium inventioni consecrata, animi autem medicina nec tam desiderata sit, ante quam inventa, nec tam culta, posteaquam cognita est, nec tam multis grata et probata, pluribus etiam suspecta et invisa? An quod corporis gravitatem et dolorem animo iudicamus, animo morbum corpore non sentimus? Ita fit ut animus de se ipse tum iudicet, cum id ipsum, quo iudicatur, aegrotet. [2] Quodsi talis nos natura genuisset,ut eam ipsam intueri et perspicere eademque optima duce cursum vitae conficere possemus, haut erat sane quod quisquam rationem ac doctrinam requireret. Nunc parvulos nobis dedit igniculos, quos celeriter malis moribus opinionibusque depravati sic restinguimus, ut nusquam naturae lumen appareat. Sunt enim ingeniis nostris semina innata virtutum, quae si adolescere liceret, ipsa nos ad beatam vitam natura perduceret. Nunc autem, simul atque editi in lucem et suscepti sumus, errorem suxisse videamur. Cum vero parentibus redditi, dein magistris traditi sumus, tum ita variis imbuimur erroribus, ut vanitati veritas et opinioni confirmatae natura ipsa cedat. II. [3]Accedunt etiam poetae, qui cum magnam speciem doctrinae sapientiaeque prae se tulerunt, audiuntur leguntur ediscuntur et inhaerescunt penitus in mentibus. Cum vero eodem quasi maxumus quidam magister populus accessit atque omnis undique ad vitia consentiens multitudo, tum plane inficimur opinionum pravitate a naturaque desciscimus, ut nobis optime naturae vim vidisse videantur, qui nihil melius homini, nihil magis expetendum, nihil praestantius honoribus, imperiis, populari gloria iudicaverunt. Ad quam fertur optumus quisque veramque illam honestatem expetens, quam unam natura maxime anquirit, in summa inanitate versatur consectaturque nullam eminentem effigiem virtutis, sed adumbratam imaginem gloriae. Est enim gloria solida quaedam res et expressa, non adumbrata; ea est consentiens laus bonorum, incorrupta vox bene iudicantium de eccellenti virtute, ea virtuti resonat tamquam imago; quae quia recte factorum plerumque comes est, non est bonis viris repudianda. [4] Illa autem, quae se eius imitatricem esse volt, temeraria atque inconsiderata et plerumque peccatorum vitiorumque laudatrix, fama popularis, simulatione honestatis formam eius pulchritudinemque corrumpit. Qua caecitate homines, cum quaedam etiam praeclara cuperent eaque nescirent nec ubi nec qualia essent, funditus alii everterunt suas civitates, alii ipsi occiderunt. Atque hi quidem optuma petentes non tam voluntate quam cursus errore falluntur. Quid? qui pecuniae cupiditate, qui voluptatum libidine feruntur, quorumque ita perturbantur animi, ut non multum absint ab insania, quod insipientibus contingit omnibus, is nullane est adhibenda curatio? utrum quod minus noceant animi aegrotationes quam corporis, an quod corpora curari possint, animorum medicina nulla sit? III. [5] At et morbi perniciosiores pluresque sunt animi quam corporis—hi enim ipsi odiosi sunt, quod ad animum pertinent eumque sollicitant—, 'animusque aeger', ut ait Ennius, 'semper errat neque pati neque perpeti potest, cupere numquam desinit.' Quibus duobus morbis, ut omittam alios, aegritudine et cupiditate, qui tandem possunt in corpore esse graviores? Qui vero probari potest ut sibi mederi animus non possit, cum ipsam medicinam corporis animus invenerit, cumque ad corporurn sanationem multum ipsa corpora et natura valeat nec omnes, qui curari se passi sint, continuo etiam convalescant, animi autem, qui se sanari voluerint praeceptisque sapientium paruerint, sine ulla dubitatione sanentur?	Translation - English What on earth should I assume to be the reason, Brutus, that, although we are composed of soul as well as body, an art of healing and caring for the body has been sought and its utility even been ascribed to the deathless Gods' power of invention, yet an art of medicine for the soul has neither been found so wanting before it was discovered, nor been so esteemed after it became known, nor welcomed and approved by so many, but even eyed with suspicion and prejudice by most? Is it because we judge of physical disease and suffering with the soul, but do not perceive spiritual sickness with the body? Thus it happens that the soul judges of itself at a time when the very mechanism by which judgements are made is ailing. Now, if Nature had begotten our kind as such--that we could look at her and grasp her precisely as she is, and with her as the best of guides complete life's journey--assuredly there had been no reason why anyone should have felt in need of systematic education. But as matters stand, she has endowed us with tiny sparks of intuition, which we, having been corrupted through mischievous habits and ideas, so rapidly extinguish, that nowhere is Nature's guiding light apparent. For there have been born into our personalities seeds of moral excellence, and if they were permitted to ripen, Nature alone would conduct us to a life of happiness; but as it is, as soon as we have been brought forth into the daylight and acknowledged, immediately we are caught up in every kind of crookedness and in the utmost perversity of ideas, so that we almost seem to have sucked in delusion along with our nurse's milk. When, moreover, we have been handed over to our parents, and afterwards to our teachers, then we are saturated in such a medley of delusions that reality succumbs to unreality and Nature herself to resolute bias. Factor in the poets too, who, whenever they have made a big pretense of learning and common sense, are heard, read, memorised, and so become fixed in our subconscious minds; when, however, you factor in the public besides, as a sort of finishing school, and the rabble too, united everywhere in the pursuit of vice, then obviously we are infected with perverse ideas and in fact revolt from Nature, so that to us they seem to have best perceived the essence of Nature who have concluded that there is nothing worthier for a man, nothing more desirable, nothing more outstanding than political preferment, military appointments, and popular renown. To this it is that all the best are driven; and though striving after that genuine respectability, which alone is Nature's especial quest, they busy themselves in utter emptiness and eagerly pursue, not virtue's lofty ideal, but fame's sketchy likeness. For real fame has mass and shape; it is not a sketch; it is the unanimous acclaim of good men, the incorruptible voice of those who judge well of surpassing moral excellence, off which it resounds like an echo. And this fame, because it is generally a consequence of deeds well done, ought not to be spurned by good men; that other, however, which tries to mimic it, being rash and thoughtless and basically the eulogist of sin and vice--I mean public celebrity--by a false show of respctability distorts real fame's beautiful proportions; and blinded by it mankind, while devoted to certain things that are even excellent but knowing neither where nor what they were, have some been the total ruin of their countries, and others themselves their own downfall. And yet at least these seekers afeter excellence delude themselves not so much of their own free will as by a straying off course. What about those who are carried away by a passion for money, by an inclination toward sensuality, and whose souls are so distorted as to be on the brink of insanity--the common lot of the unwise--is no treatment to be administered to them? Is it because disorders of the soul do less harm than those of the body, or is it because our bodies can be healed but there is no course of treatment for our souls? Yet the soul's diseases are both more degenerative and more numerous than those of the body. For they are obnoxious by the very fact that they involve the soul and so disturb it, and "An ailing soul", as Ennius says, "is always lost; it can know neither mastery nor patience; it never ceases to yearn". And than these two diseases--sorrow and yearning (not to mention the others)--what bodily diseases can possibly be more serious? How indeed can it be proven that the soul cannot cure itself, since the very act of healing the body has been invented by the soul, and since our natural constitutions of themselves avail a great deal in curing our bodies, nor do all who have submitted themselves to treatment even recover right away, but on the other hand souls, which have wanted to be cured and obeyed the injunctions of wise men, are cured beyond a shadow of a doubt?
Latin to English: P. Ovidii Nasonis Fasti, 2.19-36
Source text - Latin Februa Romani dixere piamina patres: nunc quoque dant verbo plurima signa fidem. pontifices ab rege petunt et flamine lanas, quis veterum lingua februa nomen erat; quaeque capit lictor domibus purgamina certis, torrida cum mica farra, vocantur idem; nomen idem ramo, qui caesus ab arbore pura casta sacerdotum tempora fronde tegit. ipse ego flaminicam poscentem februa vidi; februa poscenti pinea virga data est. denique quodcumque est quo corpora nostra piantur, hoc apud intonsos nomen habebat avos. mensis ab his dictus, secta quia pelle Luperci omne solum lustrant, idque piamen habent; aut quia placatis sunt tempora pura sepulcris, tum cum ferales praeteriere dies. omne nefas omnemque mali purgamina causam credebant nostri tollere posse senes.	Translation - English Ovid, Fasti 2.19-36 Februa is what our Roman ancestors called means of purification; even nowadays innumerable indications lend credence to this interpetation: The pontiffs request woollens from King and flamen, which in the language of the ancients bore the title of februa, and those purgative instruments which the lictor receives when the houses have been swept out--the spelt roasted with salt--are called the same; likewise the bough which, cut from a tree undefiled, with greenery veils the chaste temples of priests. I myself have seen a flaminica asking for the februa: to her who asked for the februa a pine twig was given. In brief, whatever it is by means of which our bodies are made pure, this had that name amongst our unshorn forefathers. The month was named from these rites, because the Luperci with flayed pelt encircled the whole land, holding it as a means of purification, or because the season is pure, the dead in their tombs having been appeased then when the days devoted to the dead are past. Our forebears believed that ritual purgations can remove every sin and every cause of evil. [The precise meaning of februa (sing. februum), which may or may not be etymologically connected with febris, 'fever' and fervere, 'to boil, seethe', is quite unknown, although naturally enough scholars from antiquity to the present day are not wanting in explanations, none of which is convincing. The King is the rex sacrorum, who after the establishment of the Republic discharged the religious duties of the old Roman kings; his office was purely priestly, and he had no political or military authority whatever. The flamen here mentioned is the flamen Dialis, or high priest of Jupiter, as is proved by the subsequent reference to the flaminica, which is the title of the wife of the flamen Dialis. "The month was named from these rites, etc.": Another name for the Lupercalia, which falls on the 15th, is Februa. Here Ovid touches only briefly upon the rites which the Luperci were wont to perform; Plutarch and others give a much fuller account of their rituals.
Latin to English: A. Gellii Noctes Atticae, 5.14
Source text - Latin 1 Apion, qui 'Plistonices appellatus est, litteris homo multis praeditus rerumque Graecarum plurima atque varia scientia fuit. 2 Eius libri non incelebres feruntur, quibus omnium ferme, quae mirifica in Aegypto visuntur audiunturque, historia comprehenditur. 3 Sed in his, quae vel audisse vel legisse sese dicit, fortassean vitio studioque ostentationis sit loquacior - est enim sane quam in praedicandis doctrinis sui venditator -; 4 hoc autem, quod in libro Aegyptiacorum quinto scripsit, neque audisse neque legisse, sed ipsum sese in urbe Roma vidisse oculis suis confirmat. 5 "In circo maximo" inquit "venationis amplissimae pugna populo dabatur. 6 Eius rei, Romae cum forte essem, spectator" inquit "fui. 7 Multae ibi saevientes ferae, magnitudines bestiarum excellentes, omniumque invisitata aut forma erat aut ferocia. 8 Sed praeter alia omnia leonum" inquit "immanitas admirationi fuit praeterque omnis ceteros unus. 9 Is unus leo corporis impetu et vastitudine terrificoque fremitu et sonoro, toris comisque cervicum fluctuantibus animos oculosque omnium in sese converterat. 10 Introductus erat inter compluris ceteros ad pugnam bestiarum datus servus viri consularis ; ei servo Androclus nomen fuit. 11 Hunc ille leo ubi vidit procul, repente" inquit "quasi admirans stetit ac deinde sensim atque placide tamquam noscitabundus ad hominem accedit. 12 Tum caudam more atque ritu adulantium canum clementer et blande movet hominisque se corpori adiungit cruraque eius et manus prope iam exanimati metu lingua leniter demulcet. 13 Homo Androclus inter illa tam atrocis ferae blandimenta amissum animum recuperat, paulatim oculos ad contuendum leonem refert. 14 Tum quasi mutua recognitione facta laetos" inquit "et gratulabundos videres hominem et leonem." 15 Ea re prorsus tam admirabili maximos populi clamores excitatos dicit accersitumque a Caesare Androclum quaesitamque causam, cur illi atrocissimus leo uni parsisset. 16 Ibi Androclus rem mirificam narrat atque admirandam. 17 "Cum provinciam" inquit "Africam proconsulari imperio meus dominus obtineret, ego ibi iniquis eius et cotidianis verberibus ad fugam sum coactus et, ut mihi a domino, terrae illius praeside, tutiores latebrae forent, in camporum et arenarum solitudines concessi ac, si defuisset cibus, consilium fuit mortem aliquo pacto quaerere. 18 Tum sole medio" inquit "rabido et flagranti specum quandam nanctus remotam latebrosamque in eam me penetro et recondo. 19 Neque multo post ad eandem specum venit hic leo debili uno et cruento pede gemitus edens et murmura dolorem cruciatumque vulneris commiserantia." Atque illic primo quidem conspectu advenientis leonis territum sibi et pavefactum animum dixit. 20 Atque illic primo quidem conspectu advenientis leonis territum sibi et pavefactum animum dixit. 21 "Sed postquam introgressus" inquit "leo, uti re ipsa apparuit, in habitaculum illud suum, videt me procul delitescentem, mitis et mansues accessit et sublatum pedem ostendere mihi et porrigere quasi opis petendae gratia visus est. 22 Ibi" inquit "ego stirpem ingentem vestigio pedis eius haerentem revelli conceptamque saniem volnere intimo expressi accuratiusque sine magna iam formidine siccavi penitus atque detersi cruorem. 23 Illa tunc mea opera et medella levatus pede in manibus meis posito recubuit et quievit, 24 atque ex eo die triennium totum ego et leo in eadem specu eodemque et victu viximus. 25 Nam, quas venabatur feras, membra opimiora ad specum mihi subgerebat, quae ego ignis copiam non habens meridiano sole torrens edebam. 26 Sed ubi me" inquit "vitae illius ferinae iam pertaesum est, leone in venatum profecto reliqui specum et viam ferme tridui permensus a militibus visus adprehensusque sum et ad dominum ex Africa Romam deductus. 27 Is me statim rei capitalis damnandum dandumque ad bestias curavit. 28 Intellego autem" inquit "hunc quoque leonem me tunc separato captum gratiam mihi nunc beneficii et medicinae referre." 29 Haec Apion dixisse Androclum tradit eaque omnia scripta circumlataque tabula populo declarata atque ideo cunctis petentibus dimissum Androclum et poena solutum leonemque ei suffragiis populi donatum. 30 "Postea" inquit "videbamus Androclum et leonem loro tenui revinctum urbe tota circum tabernas ire, donari aere Androclum, floribus spargi leonem, omnes ubique obvios dicere: "Hic est leo hospes hominis, hic est homo medicus leonis"."	Translation - English Aulus Gellius, 'Attic Nights', 5.14 Apion, who was surnamed Plistonices, was a man possessed of wide learning, and had a comprehensive and diverse knowledge of Greek civilisation. His books, by no means undistinguished, are in circulation; and in these is contained a report of well-nigh all the wonders which are seen and heard in Egypt. Now, in respect to what he says that he has either heard or read, he may perhaps, through a faulty zeal for ostentation, be too long-winded--for assuredly he is his own publicist in vaunting his erudition--but this event, which he has recorded in the fifth volume of his Egyptian Curiosities, he asserts that he has neither heard nor read, but himself seen in the city of Rome with his very own eyes. "In the Circus Maximus", says he, "a hunting contest of great splendour was being held for the people. Of this affair, since I happened to be at Rome", says he, "I was an eyewitness. There were many savage wild animals, towering hulks of beasts, and all had never before been seen as regards their shape or ferocity. But beyond all else", says he, "the monstrous size of the lions was cause for wonder, and of one beyond all the rest. This one lion, on account of his physical agility and great bulk, his fearsome and bellowing roar, and his rippling muscles and mane, had focussed everyone's minds and eyes upon himself. There had been led in, among several others who had been delivered for the beast fight, the slave of an ex-consul; this slave's name was Androclus. As soon as that lion saw him from afar, he suddenly", says he, "stood still as though wondering, and then slowly and calmly, as if acqainted with him, approaches the man. Then he wags his tail tenderly and complacently, after the manner usual to fawning dogs, nudges up against the man's body, and with his tongue gently licks his legs and hands, now nearly lifeless from terror. The man Androclus, amid the blandishments of so fierce a beast, regains his best courage, and little by litttle turns his eyes to look upon the lion. Then, as though they had recognised one another, you could see the man and the lion, joyous and congratulatory". He states that a deafening round of cheers was elicited from the people by this incident, so utterly strange, and that Androclus was summoned by Gaius Caesar and asked the reason why an exceptionally fierce lion had spared only him. Thereupon Androclus tells a fascinating and indeed astonishing tale. "When my master", says he, "was administering the province of Africa with proconsular authority, I there, due to his unwarranted and daily floggings, was driven to flight, and that my hideouts might be the more secure from my master, the governor of that land, I withdrew into a wilderness of plains and deserts, and then if food should have been wanting, my plan was to seek death by any means. Then, since the noonday sun", says he. "was blazing and raging, and I had come across a certain cavern, remote and full of nooks, I enter into it and conceal myself. Nor long afterward toward the same cavern comes this lion, one paw lame and bloody, giving forth growls and yelps, bewailing the racking pain of his wound". And therein he said that, to be sure, at first sight of the advancing lion his mind was thrown into an utter panic. "But after", says he, "the lion had paced into that lair of his, as in fact it clearly was, he saw me lurking at some distance, came up meekly and tamely, and seemed to stretch forth and show me his uplifted paw, as if he were asking for help. Thereupon", says he, "I plucked out a huge thorn sticking in the pad of his paw, and squeezed out the pus gathered within the wound, and quite carefully--now without any great fear--thoroughly dried and wiped away the gore. Then relieved by that service and little remedy of mine, he sank down and fell asleep with his paw laid in my hands; and from that day for a period of three whole years the lion and I lived in the same cavern, and even on the same food. For of the game that he would hunt he used to bring the choicer portions down into the cavern for me, which I, not having the resources for a fire, would parch in the midday sun and eat. But as soon", says he, "as I grew tired of that feral way of life, the lion having set out for the chase, I left the cavern; and when I had travelled nearly a three days' journey, I was seen and arrested by soldiers and brought back from Africa to my master at Rome. He starightaway saw to it that I was sentenced to death and delivered to the beasts. I discern, however", says he, "that the lion too, captured just after I had parted from him, is rendering thanks to me now for my kindness in healing him". This is the tale which Apion said that Androclus told, and that, everything having been written down on a tablet which was carried about, it was made known to the people, and that therefore Androclus, at everyone's request, was set free and released from his punishment, and that the lion was presented to him by the people's suffrage. "Afterwards", says he, "we used to see Androclus and the lion, tied to a thin leash, going the rounds of the shops, Androclus being presented with money, the lion strewn with flowers, any one they meet anywhere sayinjg , 'This is the lion that was a man's host, this is the man who was a lion's doctor!'.
Latin to English: Michael Florentii Selenographia (Praefatio)
Source text - Latin HÆC NUSQVAM VULGATA, GENERI TAMEN HVMANO MAXIME VTILIA, IMO NECESSARIA, MICHAEL FLORENTIVS VAN LANGREN Mathematicus et Cosmographus Regius ORBI TERRARVM PROPONIT. GLOBVM LVNAREM vt familiarißimum terris sidus, ita maximè incognitum, Geographicè, summoq[ue] cum studio et labore describendum, et Ser[enissimae] Belgarum Principi ISABELLÆ CLARÆ EUGENIÆ Hispaniarum Infanti, repræsentandum A.° M.D.C.XXVIII. susceperam. Quæ pro incredibili suo in has artes affectu me sibi Lunam contemplanti, imò verò se mihi adeße voluit, et simul sideris arcana spectare. Cùm igitur consideraret quanti ea eßent momenti, mè in Hispaniam cum litteris à sé scriptis misit, vt Potentißimo Regi PHILIPPO IV. has obseruationes offerrem, et ipsius nomine in lucem darem, quæ viam Astronomicam ad Longitudines et distantias locorum terrestrium, nec non ingentes craßosque Geographiæ errores corrigendos, securè aperirent; ità quidem vt etiam nauigationi maritimæ vsui eße possent. Quæ adeo Magno placuerunt Regi, vt me sæpius ad se vocari iußerit, quò Cælum et Lunam tubo optico ipse intueretur; quin etiam hanc descriptionem Selenographicam siuè Geographiam Lunarem, LVMINA AVSTRIACA PHILIPPICA nuncupari permiserit, et nominis sui auspicio in notitiam hominum venire. Placuit etiam vt virorum clarorum nomina Montibus et Insulis luminosis ac resplendentibus globi Lunaris, quæ ad distinctionem facerent, imponerentur, quibus in futurum vti liceret in obseruationibus et correctionibus Astronomicis, Geographicis, atque Hÿdrographicis: litterisque ad Ser[enissimam] Principem ISABELLAM in responsum mißis, significauit, vt sumptus neceßarij suppeditarentur: sed cùm Augustißima Heroina, cuius bonitas, pietas, iustitia, et clementia orbi nota est, me A.° M.D.C.XXXIV. ex Hispaniâ redeunte, è terris in cælos remeaßet, inspectura cominus tanta miracula, nescio quâ iniquitate temporum, incæptum hoc meum interruptum est, et fauore suo destitutum hæsit; ita vt periculum fuerit, ne, quemadmodum magis magisque iam divulgatur, alius quispiam id occuparet, publicumque suo nomine faceret. Tandem, postquam Excell[entissimus] D[ominus] EMMANVEL DE MOVRA Y CORTEREAL Marchio de Castel Rodrigo, et Belgicarum prouinciarum Burgundiæq[ue] Gubernat[or], etĉ, Sanctioris Ærarii consult[atione] edoctus, huius rei curiositatem et vtilitatem, atque æternum ex eâ REGI decus oriturum præuidit, hanc Selenographiam hoc modo publicare permisit. Hoc igitur incitati decreto (quod bono publico fiat) primum hoc Plenilunium PHILIPPICVM publicamus, propriis Regum et Principum nominibus collustratum, (qui hodiè in Europâ rerum potiuntur, scientiarumque Mathematicarum sunt patroni, fautores, atque Mæcenates,) aliquorum etiam veterum et recentiorum, qui in hoc genere excellunt, ingeniiq[ue] sui præclaris monumentis, laudem et famam sibi compararunt: quocirca etiam edemus librum in honorem illorum. Dolemus plurimum nos hactenus non potuiße rescire (quod tamen breui futurum speramus) nomina et merita cæterorum qui his in artibus alibi eximii sunt, vt Globo nostro splendenti pariter inscribamus. Triginta autem phases crescentis et decrescentis Lunæ iam paratæ, propediem prodibunt, in quibus distinctè exprimimus singulas Lunæ particulas, vt insulas montiumq[ue] vertices a continenti sæpißime auulsas quæ Lunâ crescente momento temporis apparent, eâque decrescente subito euanescunt, quod primum et diurnum fere inueniende Longitudinis auxilium est. Adiungemus insuper inter plurima alia noua, eximia et maxime vtilia, longam et luculentam Eclipsium seriem, quas praxi nostrâ facillimâ atque accuratâ, multis iam annis studiose obseruauimus, vmbrâ scilicet terræ particulas hasce Lunares tegente vel retegente, quod alterum sed eximium Longitudinis inuestigandæ auxilium est; vnde falsa illa ne dicam impoßibilis, tam Antiquorum, quam Neot[ericorum] principij, medii, finis, digitorumq[ue] Eclipticorum obseruatio corruit, quæ proculdubio cum cæteris tot errorum in Geographia commißorum causa fuit. Hæc sunt illorum aliqua quæ A.° M.DCXXXI iußu S[erenissimae] P[rincipis] demonstrauimus Viris Doctiß[imis] Claris[simis] et in hæc arte celeb[errimis] ad id constitutis E. Puteano, G. Wendelino, et in Hispania, mandante Rege, I. della Faille, et B. Petit, vt censuris ipsorum penes, me reseruatis atque etiam in lucem emißis, sufficienter liquet. Sed, harum scientiarum studiosi sciant, me vnius tantum Plenilunij faciem dare, in exemplum variarum, quas è Cælo delineauimus; inconstans enim semper, et mutabilis fit Lunæ facies, a motu nempe corporis sui libratorio, quâ maculæ nunc in Ortum vel Occasum, nunc in Austrum vel Boream promoueri videntur, cuius librationis iam dudum a nobis excogitatam hypothesim, cum materiali globo Lunari motum hunc accuratè repræsentante, ac singulis insularum, montium, partiumque interuallis ornato in publicum proferemus, vnde, et ipsius poli, ecliptica, meridianorum initium, regionum, singularumq[ue] Lunæ partium Longitudines et latitudines innotescent. Ne qua vero in obseruationibus Astronomicis et Geographicis confusio oboriatur, mutatis forsitan a quocumque hisce Lunæ partium denominationibus, magnam harum schematum copiam, gratis, toti orbi communicauimus, qua in præsenti viros de his studijs bene meritos, eorumq[ue] defensores ac Mæcenates veneramur. Qua de caußa summa cum animi submißione, hanc Lunæ imaginem Regibus, Principibus, ac harum celeberrimis artium Amatoribus consecratum imus, ac rogamus vt præsentem nominum institutionem æqui bonique consulant, nihilq[ue] mutent, et eo quo offerimus affectu, accipiant. Si præterea vellet operâ meâ vti quispiam, aut Eclipsin Solarem aut Lunarē aliudue quid mecum communicare; obnixé eum rogo, vt Bruxellam destinare litteras suas, easque Illustrißimo D[omino] LAMORALDO Comiti de TASSIS inscribere non grauetur: is quippe me eiusmodi honore afficere voluit, vt pro singulari suo in omnes ingenuas et viro Principe dignas artes, præsertim a mathesi non alienas studio; etiam opem suam mihi non recusarit, Bruxellæ V. Idus Februarij M.D.C.XLV. Regio diplomate prohibetur nominum huius figuræ immutatio, sub poenâ indignationis; et exemplarium quæcunq[ue] effictio sub poenâ confiscat[ionis] et trium floreno[rum]. Dato Brux[ellae] 3. Martij M.D.C.XLV. Ro. vt. Gottignies. THEODORETVS Sermone IV. De LVNA hoc modo Philosophi: Thales putat Terrestrem eße: Anaxagoras, et Democritus ignitam soliditarum, quae insitas planities, montes, vallèsque contineat: Pythagoras saxeum corpus: Heraclides terram nebula circum septam. PLVTARCHVS De facie in Orbe Lunae. Sicut Terra nostra sinus habet profundos ac magnos, quorum unus per columnas Herculis ad nos infunditur, alter foris est maris Caspii, ac Rubri: sic in LVNA etiam cavernae sunt, et profunda: Cavernarum ejus maximam, penetralia Hecates vocant. CICERO lib. IV Acad. Quæst Habitari ait Xenophanes in LVNA, eámq[ue] esse Terram multarum Vrbium et Montium. ACHILLES TATIVS Isag Aliqui in LVNA regionem aliam ad inhabitandum inesse, cum fluvijs et ceteris quae in terra videntur, existimant. PLINIVS lib. II. Omnium admirationum vincit nouißimum sidus, terrisque familia rißimum, et in tenebrarum remedium ab natura repertum, LVNAE. Multiformi hæc ambage torsit ingenia contemplantium, et proximum ignorari maximè sidus indignantium. SENECA Nat. Quest. lib. VII. Multae hodie sunt gentes, quae tantùm facie noverint Caelum; quae nondum sciunt, cur LVNA deficiat, quare adumbretur. VENIET TEMPVS, quo ista, quae nunc latent, in lucem dies extrahat, et longioris aeui diligentia. VENIET TEMPVS, quo posteri nostri tam aperta nos nesciße mirentur.	Translation - English These matters, hitherto nowhere published, though very useful, indeed necessary, for the human race, Michael Florentius van Langren, Royal Mathematician and Cosmologist, sets forth for the World. In the year 1628, I had undertaken to describe the orb of the moon--the planet most familiar to the world, and likewise the most unknown—with immense study and labour, and to present this to the Most Serene Princess of the Belgians, Isabella Clara Eugenia, the Enfant of Spain. She, in behalf of her own incredible affection for these arts, wanted me contemplating the Moon, or indeed rather wished me to be by her side, and together look at the planet’s secrets. Since, therefore, she had considered how important these matters were, she sent me to Spain with letters that she had written, that I might offer these observations to the most Powerful King, Philip IV, and give to the light in her name what has securely opened the way for the Astronomer regarding the longitudes and distances between places, as well as the huge and gross errors in Geography which ought to be corrected, and so that it might also be of some use to navigation by sea. These things so pleased the Great King that he ordered me to be called to him more often in order that he himself might be able to observe the Sky and Moon with a telescope; nay, he has even permitted this description, this Selenography or Lunar Geography, to be titled ‘Philip’s Stars of Austria’, and under the auspices of his own name to come to the notice of mankind. It also pleased him that the names of famous men, which would lend distinction, be placed upon the luminous and resplendent Mountains and Islands of the Lunar Globe, which in future were to be allowed to be used in Astronomical, Geographical, and even in Hydrographical corrections, and in letters sent in response to the Serene Princess Isabella intimated that the necessary costs would be met. But when the Most August Heroine, whose goodness, piety, justice, and mercy are known to the world, had returned from earth to heaven in the year 1634 to behold such great wonders at first hand, I know not by what unjust precedence, when I was returning from Spain, this beginning of mine was interrupted, and got stuck, destitute of her favour; so that there was a danger lest, to the extent that it now was being divulged more and more, someone else should seize it and make it public under his own name. At length, after the Most Excellent Lord Emmanuel de Moura y Cortereal Marchio de Castel Rodrigo, and the Governor, etc. of the provinces of Belgium and Burgundy, a learned consultant of the Sacred Treasury, foresaw the novelty and utility of this thing and that from it would arise an eternal glory for the King, in this wise he permitted this Selenography to be published. Stirred up therefore by this decree, (and may it be for the public good), we proclaim this first Full Moon ‘Philippic’, made illustrious by the names of the King and Princes who hold sway in Europe today, and who are the patrons, foster-fathers, and Maecenases of the Sciences and Mathematics; there are also some of the old and more recent ages, who excel in this discipline and have won praise and fame for the outstanding monuments of their genius; wherefore we publish this book in their honour. We lament that we have not hitherto been able to discover (what we nevertheless hope may come to pass) the names and achievements of the others in these arts who have been elsewhere noteworthy, so that we may inscribe our shining Globe with their like. Moreover, with thirty [observations of] phases of the waxing and waning Moon now ready, they will soon provide the means to us of distinguishing each particular of the Moon, as the islands and mountaintops quite often torn off from the land as they appear at the moment in time when the Moon waxes, and when she wanes suddenly disappear, which is the chief and almost daily aid in ascertaining the longitude. We shall add as well among a great many other new, astonishing, and very useful things a long and brilliant series of Eclipses, which in accordance with our quite simple and accurate practice we have observed now zealously for many years, with the earth’s shadow, to be sure, hiding these Lunar particulars again and again, which is another but exceptional aid to ascertaining the longitude. Whence let me not call that impossible which, as much among the Ancients as among the Moderns, is the observation, that from the beginning, middle, end, and degrees of the Ecliptic there has been alteration, which was no doubt the cause for so much of the remainder of errors committed in Geography. These are some of those things which in the year 1631, by order of the Most Serene Princess, we demonstrated to men the most learned, distinguished, and celebrated in this art and commissioned for this, E. Puteanus, G. Wendelinus, and in Spain, obeying the King’s order, I. della Faille and B. Petit, under whose own careful scrutiny, despite my reservations about even publishing it, it was made sufficiently clear. But let those students of these sciences know that I am giving the face of only one Full Moon, as an example of the variations which we may delineate from the Heavens; for it is always unstable, and the face of the Moon is changeable, due, of course, to the libratory motion of its own body, whereby the blemishes which are seen to rise in the East and the West, now in the South and North. This libration has for a long time been worked out by us as an hypothesis that this accurately represents [the earth’s] motion in relation with the physical globe of the Moon, and so with the distances between each of the islands, mountains, and regions elabourated, we shall bring it before the public, whence the longitudes and latitudes, even of the pole itself, the ecliptic, the beginning of the meridians, regions, and particulars of the areas of the Moon will become known. But lest any confusion should arise (as an obstacle) in the Astronomical and Geographical observations, if these denominations of the areas of the Moon are perchance changed by someone, we have shared the great boon of these tables for free with the whole world, on account of which we honour at present men well-deserving of these studies, and their defenders and Maecenases. For which reason, it is with the deepest humility of soul that we are going to consecrate this description of the Moon, to the Kings, Princes, and most celebrated Amateurs of these arts, and we ask that the good and just consult the present index of terms, and that they accept with what disposition we offer it. If anyone should wish to make use of my work as well, or to share a Solar Eclipse or any other Lunar phenomenon with me; I earnestly entreat him, that it not be a burden to send his letters to Brussels, and address them to the Most Illustrious Lord Lamaraldus, Count of Tassis: He especially has wanted to present me with an honour of this sort, as in behalf of his own, one by one, towards all the liberal arts worthy of a man who is a Prince, especially those not alien to a study of Methematics; even he shall not have refused his assistance to me. Brussels, the 5th (the Ides) of February, 1645. By royal decree, alteration of this index of terms is prohibited, on pain of displeasure, and any copying of the originals, on pain of confiscation and [a fine of] three florins. Given at Brussels, 3rd March 1645. At Ro[tterdam] as at Gottingen. Theodoret, Sermon 4: Concerning the Moon, the philosophers thought in this wise: Thales thought that it was made of earth; Anaxagoras and Democritus that it was the movement of the atoms which holds the plains, mountains, and valleys in place; Pythagoras, that it had a rocky body; Heraclides, that it was land surrounded by mist. Plutarch, On the Face in the Orb of the Moon: Just as our earth has large and deep bays, of which one flows in to us through the Pillars of Hercules, and the other is beyond the Caspian and Red Sea, so on the Moon there are caves, too, and deep ones, and of its caves they call the greatest Hecate’s Sanctuary. Cicero, Academic Questions, Book 4: Xenophanes says that the Moon is inhabited, and that it is a land of many cities and mountains. Achilles Tatius, Isagoge: Some believe that there is another region on the Moon suitable for habitation, with rivers and the rest of the things which are seen on Earth. Pliny, Book 3: The newest planet evinces the strangest admiration of all, though it is the one most familiar to Earth, and a remedy for eclipses discovered by Nature. This in its multiform orbit exercises the minds of those contemplating it, and especially is not to know the nearest star a matter for indignation among men. Seneca, Natural Questions, Book 7: There are many peoples today who know the Sky only superficially, who do not know why the Moon eclipses, why it is shadowed. There shall come a time in which he draws those things which now lie hidden into the light of day, and the attentiveness of a later age; there shall come a time in which our posterity will wonder that we did not know such obvious things.
Latin to English: Medical Correspondence of John Clephane et al.
Source text - Latin 46. From John Clephane, 11 July 1757 Galen de Tumoribus speaking of various tumors as, ecchymoses, black and livid tumors in old people etc: such tumors, he adds ‘procausa habent sanguinem e venis effusum sive id fiat, a tunicarum disruptione, sive a venarum ad fines dilatatione. Quod si Arteria dilatata sit, malum est quod Aneurisma vocatur, Fit et idem malum, si arteria vulnerata, cutis ei supervacens cicatritetér vulnere ipsius arteriae subtas, [subter] manente aperto, i.e nec iterum conglutinato, nec ad cicatricem deducto, nec a carnibus Vicinis occluso: –Dignoscuntur haec mala pulsatione arteriarum moventium; in super quod et pro signo est compressione tumor omnis disparet, recurrente nempes in arterias materia quae tumorem efficebat. qualis nam vero sit ea materia, alibi monstravimus nimirum esse sanguinem quendam tenuem et flavum aeri temi et multo commistum. Qua de causa sanguis hicce (Arteriarum) sanguine venarum calidior est, et vulnerato aneurismate cum violenta foras ejaculatur. It is true hence that Galen mentions these two sorts of Aneurisms, ie. By Dilatation & by disruption of the coats, but then it is as clear that he by no means constitutes two distinct classes, with their distinct effects, symptoms or signs for practice; for he supplies the Dignoscuntur haec mala etc indiscriminately & it is as evident Paulus understood him so by, haec Galenus. Nos vero Aneurismata haec a se invicem probi distingumus in hunc modum and then goes on to give the sighes by which the Aneurysma [INSERT GREEK WORD] / per dilationem is to be distinguished, & those by which the aneurisma [INSERT GREEK WORD] is to be known & distinguished1 Aetius who copies Galen, mentions likewise the 2 sorts of aneurism, & among the notae Aneurismatis says that the tumor in Aneurisms by ruptore is not so soft as in those quae sine vulnere fiunt, but is by no means so distinct and explicite as Paulus, but indistinct as Galen, & more inaccurate in as far as he makes no mention at all of the [INSERT GREEK WORD] or Pulsation. Thus Paulus may be properly enough said to have first established the division of the 2 sorts of Aneurism, with their signs or symptoms; his account & AEitius’s are very different; neither can it be with any propriety said that he literally transcribes Galen, who only brings a passage from him, in order to correct & amend & add to it With all this our Reveditor2 seems very clear & positive as to the ages of Aetius and Paulus3; he takes them from Friend4 & might modestly have said so, but he takes them as Friend gives them, and that is positively enough sicut illius est mos & yet perhaps the times & ages of those old folks are hardly yet assertained. And now as to his criterion; your answer to his annular fibres is jocular & confounding; But as for the bag or as he calls it sac, I apprehend the surest way of knowing whether it be ruptured or only dilated is to look at it, & examine it, & that as you have said it, cannot be better done than by a careful dissection of that part and this same careful dissection, & after all his impertinent waggery, the stuffing & drying the bag, seem to be a pretty tolerable way of getting at this same great criterion, which he is so sorry you should have omitted, for to know if a bag is burst or only stretched, is it not one of the best ways to take it up & look at it; this you have done & advise him so to do.5 The Paragraph which begins ‘The Doctor divides the Aneurysm into 3 species etc. is full of solemn nonsense: the disease cannot exist? What may not an artery be partly ruptured partly dilated? Surely it may; what English or sense is this the tumor confined with in the artery? it is a true Aneurysm by your own definition; what does the B—kh—d mean? Your definition of a true Aneurysm is it not, that by dilatation? how comes then an Aneurysm that is partly by rupture, & partly by dilatation to be by your definition a true Aneurysm6? Has there ever any thing so futil as his question, would not compression hazard mortification7? Is it tobe supposed that the man who could write so had ever read your Remarks 18:19 & 20. In the Paragraph ‘we are not a little surprised’ I am at a loss what this Doughty Critic be at: Remark the second ? Where is the great contempt with which you treat Dr. Monro, & Friend?8 I cannot find it: as for Numb 18 I suppose he means No 23. and indeed for his reader of tolerable Erudition, if he reads his authors as the Reviewer reads his Galen, Aetius, Paulus etc: he may indeed make strange discoveries, that Hunter with all his parade is no original, & that his remarks are but poor shreds from the Medical Essays, & Dr. Friends history of Physick: To this I think I could say something like what Boileau’s Esprit says to the mauvais Critiques the Reviewers of his time; the objection was that Boileau n’etait qu’un Gueux revé tu des depouilles d’Horace et de Juvenal: his Esprit answers: Quíl etoit vray que Jadis Juvenal avoit dit en Latin Qu’on est assis à l’aise aux sermons de Cotin. NB. I am not clear as to the meaning of the word [INSERT GREEK WORD] [anastomosis] in Galen & his copyers but this may be sometime the subject of a confabulation between you & your friend in Golden Square [John Clephane]. Golden Square. Monday 1 July 1757 239. From J. Mich. Oleosi1 5 April 1771 Charissime Charissimeq Dñe Civitelle 5 Aprilis 1771 Me tedet adversae fortunei que nos etsi invitos separat locum minime concedens ut dulci tuo colloquio, horulae ad minimum spatio ipse frui, quamquam totis visceribus obtans possim. Modo enim per litteram tuam hac mane receptam scio, te reducem ex Anglia in hac nostra Insula; sed eadem littera significas quam primum flaverit ventus secundus te ex hoc nostra Insula fore profeaturum. Desideras proinde ut eadem die supplementum historiae morbi illius particularis quem una simul observavimus ad te remittam; sed temporis angustia una cum pleuriticorum numero qui me totum his diebus occupant efficiunt, ut non qua vellem distinctione, sanis satisfaciam desideriis tuis Qva possim igitur brevitate dico: â die 4a Januaris 1769 usque in presentem diem 5am Aprilis 1771, plusquam 150 venescotiones in pede tollerasse egram, ob subitaneas admissiones illas usus loquele, et deglutitionis, nullis cedeites remediis nisi venesectioni quatuor unciarum sanguinis circiter; cucurbitulis, balneis pedum, sinapis ( ) nec vecicatoriis domabiles. De 22a Martii proxime elapsi circa 3am pomeridia nam loquelam cum facultate deglutiendi amisit egra eamque sine venisectione haberivolui usque ad decimam antemeridianam diei sequentis, sed, cum vires deficerent, nec alia via promitterentur inducie, hoc remedio in fine tentato, et loquele usum, et facultatem deglutiendi recuperavit. Sed ab illa usque in presentem diem, geminari necessum fuit venesectiones. Circa finem mensis Fabruarii huius anni 1770 de dolore in lumbis pertotum abdomen se extendente con querebatur, qui sponte euanuit excretis per alvum non nullis cilindris membranaceis, colore, et concistentia, bomlices jam memorabos equantes. Victus ratio eadem est que in alia historie parte significatur. Cecitas perseverat in oculo sinistro, nullo vitio externo se manifestans. Cathamenia singulis mensibus fluunt, sed maxime albicantia. Pulsus naturalis; atque alvus nec calore, nec concistentia â naturali recedit, ac quantitati assútorum respondet; similiter Urina. Color faciei, atque torositas corporis sanitatem referunt, si levem excipias faciei pallorem, levemque fibrarum laxitatem. Cedere tamen, vel lectulo continuo jacere debet egra, cum citum perpendicularem non nisi modicum sustinere possit. Unum dicam procoronide admiratione dignum miras illas convulsiones que tetanum intermittentem referebant, nunc simulare cathalepsin, media enim inter colloquia, immobilia fuint subito omnia membra, eam figuram retinentia quam tempore accessus trahebant; tensa atque rigida efficiuntur; ac cum Egra vel adstantes ea mutare nittuntur, animo deficit prae dolore misera; sensus omnes amittit; sed cum ad se revertit, una cum sensibus, flexibilitatem, motumque artuum recuperat Quandoque singulis, quandoque alternis; nonnumquam singulis tertiis, aut quartis diebus hec invadit cathalepsis species, adeo rara, ut immobilia maneant membra dum egra perfecte sensibilis, loquela, atque deglutitione integris remanentibus, nee unquam mutatur artuum citus quin Egra prius animo deficiat, usumq sensuum prius amittat. Hec sunt Amice Suavissime que candide refero, post quam cedulo observaverim; talia que ab cilio tradita vix credere possem, nisi ocularis testis, fateor; sed utinam quo candore, ea possem methodo, et distinctione scribere ea tamen qua polles humanitate excusatum habebis confide Verum Amicumque devotissimú J Mich. Oleosi 251. From Gauthier van Doeveren1 11 June 1772 Viro celeberrimo expertissimo Gulielmo Hunter S. P. D. Gaulte. van Doeveren Nomine fonsan non omnino Tibi ignotús, Studiorúm Saltim geneae in múltis qúodam modo Tibi faciús meritorúm Túorúm in arte Salútari promanenda cento admira tor insignis in Amicitia debitæqúe exis timationis tesseram, Tibi offero, Vir claris Sime útrúmqúe meúm Sermonem academicúm, nuperius habitúm in Groninga2 na atque Leidensi Academia3. Perferet ad Te hæcce opuscúla Vir egregiús F. Dejean, Strenúissimús rerúm naturaliúm, artisqúe medicæ, cùltor, Túaqúa Amicitia et benevolentia dignissimús; in quem (certús Scio) meritis Simúm núnqúam beneficia Collascasse, aút con Silia praebúisse útilia, pænitebit qúemquam Ifúne itaque Londinúm profectúrúm, út conquisitam jam hic & alibi Doctrinam & Experientiam cúmulatis Anglorúm inventis et ingenii prodúctionibús adaugeat, non potúi non. Tibi notúm facere, atque de melione nota commendare. --Quod Si forsan Tecúm liberiús a me actúm censeas qúam oporteret Scias velim, nihil mihi júcúndiús fore, qúam Si data quavis occasione reciproca animi ad official paratissimi docúmenta Tibi Sistera qúeam.Vale, Vir, celeberrime, & ma ama! Dabam Lugdúni Bat alo XI Jún. C/É/ÉCC LXXii 380. AMAD. EMAN. HALLER, ALBERTI Filius, apud Bernates Ducentumvir, Illustri, Amplissimo & præcellenti Viro WILHELMO HUNTER anatomico summo J.G.D. Quod mihi, quod conjugi viduæ, quod liberis optimum pattrem lugentibus triste & acerbum accidit, id universa defuncti superstite familia hortante, obsequiosissime TIBI significandum censeo, quod & officii ratio ita postulet, cum cicum in amicorum numero habueris, & haud vulgari eum benevolentia profecutus fis, & nostro tu quoque dolore condoleas; HALLERUM nampe TUUM, qui TE coluit inter primos, pluribus jam mensibus multis magnisque ægritudinibus confectum, perpetuos inter labores marasmo tandem oppressum occubuisse jam septuagenarium. Pie & placide animam reddidit & obdormivit in Domino prid. Idus Dec. h. viii. vesp. TU vero Vir Amplissime, quem D. O. M. salvum & superstitem & felicem rebus humanis diutissime interesse jubeat, nobj, & beati Viri memoriæ fave. Vale. Dab. Bernæ post sunus elatum, xvii. Cal. Jan. MDCCLSSVIII. 385. From Johann Gottlieb Walter1 1 April 1778 Vir Illustris atque Foutor pia mente Colende Anhe jam viginti annos animus mihi fuit Te salutare, meque Tuo favori commendare. Fata inter ipsa quae sum expertus acerba laeta aliquando mihi arrisit spes, Londinum venire mihi liceret, quod vero malignitas inimicorum qua multum perpessus, dulce Solamen de anno in annum protraxit. Nunc annum jam agenti quodragessimum quartum, gravissimisque laboribus presto vix sperare licet Te, Vir Illustris, unquam exosculari atque Tua Splendida preparata anatomica adspicere; interim tamen non penitus despero; forsan accidit in puncto quod non Speratur in anno. Accipias velim epistolam quam Tibi mitto innato Tibi quo soles favore, conatus que meos eo quo consvevisti dijudica candore Pergratam mihi Tuan responsionem tanquam certissimum documentum Tuae benevolentiae erga me, omni pietate, atque referentia colam. Qui Si Tibi experimenta mea instituta non displicitura sint, alios et multo difficiliores labores neurologicos Tecium, in quibus pro tempore versor, Communicabo. Faxit Deus, ut tempora nubila fiant serena, et otia mihi det quo facilius difficilem hunc laborem Superandum curem. Nihil amplius mihi restat, quam ut me Tibi commendatissimum esse cupiam. Fratrem cujus merita aeque ac Tua digna veneratione aestimo, meis verbis Salutabis. Vive diu felix et Tibi persuadeas me ad tumbam fore Tui Studiosissimum Berolini die 1 ma Aprillis Walter 1778 391. From Vicq D’Azyr1 8 August 1778 Vir ornatissime Quas hodie consociationis litteras offert tibi Regia Societas Medica Parisiensis, ego tanto libentius ad te mitto, quod dulcissimum et utilissimimum epistolae commercium nobis proculdubio concedes, et, quodque mihi jucundissima maximeque proficua voluerit confraternitas. Plurimarum jam academiarum codices condecorat illstre nomen tuum. Sed in academia vere medica conscribi, a consodalibus summae est aestimationis testimonia recipere, tua fama non indignum fore credidimus. Egoque praesertim vividissime gaudeo, quod locus ille quem in nostra societate mihi concedit Rex Galliarum Christianissimus frequentis meae totius erga te observantiae specimina redditurus sit istasque multiplicabit occasiones in quibus me dicam semper. Vir ornatissme Obsequentissimum tui servum et cultorem Vicq D’Azyr R. Societates Secretarius perpetuus Parisiis die 8a mensis augusti, anni 1778. 394. To Vicq d’Azyr Secretary of the Royal Medical Society, Paris, Paris 6 October 1778 draft Gulielmus Hunter vivo eximio Vicq d’Azyr Salutem. Literas tuas, vir erudite, singulari erga me benevolentia "plenas, grata manu" accepi; quibus mihi nunciatum est, Collegio medicorum apud Parisienses novo nomen adscribi nostrum. Quo euidem honore uteunque indignus fuero, hoc saltem de me ausim dicere, neminem hominum ardentius aut magis exanimo, quicquid faustum est ac felix praecari instituto tam liberali, et vere regio; quodque profecto non ad hauc aut illam cililatem pertinet, sed genus universum hominum complectitur. Et vellem, id quod mihi perhonorificum est, aliis in fructum aliquem et utilitatem convertere; et symbolam etiam nostram in publicum conferre. Sed ea est vitae nostrae negotiosae ratio; ut, praeter grati animi officium ninilquid piam polliceri audeam. Tu vera pro tua humanitate Praesidam, Sociosque ornamentissimos, quos summa cultu et observantia semper prosequar, quique me sibi omni studeo devinetum habent, meo nomine saluta, et vale. Dabam Londini Oct 6 1778	Translation - English 46. From John Clephane, 11 July 1757 Galen, On Tumours, speaking of various tumours as ecchymoses, black and livid tumours in old people, etc: “Such tumours,” he adds, “(form) because they have blood which has flowed out of the veins or, it may be, from a tear in the veins, or from an enlargement of the veins near their ends. But if an artery has been enlarged, the malady is what is called an aneurysm. It happens in the case of the same malady that, if the artery has been wounded, if the extra skin above is scarred by a wound beneath the artery itself and that wound remains opens, i.e., if it has not been sealed again and a scar has not formed and it has not been blocked off from the surrounding flesh… These maladies are diagnosed by the movement of the arterial pulse, which is, moreover, a sign that the whole tumour is bursting due to compression, with the matter which caused the tumour naturally rushing back into the arteries; for as to what sort of matter this really is, we have no doubt demonstrated elsewhere that it is a certain thin and yellow blood, mingled with much thin air. For this reason, this blood (in arteries) is warmer than the blood in veins and spurts out with violence if the aneurysm is wounded.” It is true, hence, that Galen mentions these two sorts of aneurysms, i.e., by dilatation and by disruption of the coats, but then it is as clear that he by no means constitutes two distinct classes, with their distinct effects, symptoms, or signs for practice; for he supplies the “These maladies are diagnosed, etc.” indiscriminately and it is as evident Paulus understood him so by, “Thus Galen. But we correctly distinguish these aneurysms from one another” and then goes on to give the signs by which the aneurysma [INSERT GREEK WORD] / per dilationem [‘aneurysm due to enlargement’] is to be distinguished, and those by which the aneurysma [INSERT GREEK WORD] is to be known and distinguished.1 Aëtius, who copies Galen, mentions likewise the two sorts of aneurysm, and among the Notae Aneurismatis says that the tumour in aneurysms “by rupture” is not so soft as in those “which occur without a wound”, but is by no means so distinct and explicit as Paulus, but indistinct as Galen, and more inaccurate in as far as he makes no mention at all of the [INSERT GREEK WORD] or pulsation. Thus Paulus may be properly enough said to have first established the division of the two sorts of aneurysm, with their signs or symptoms; his account and Aëtius’ are very different; neither can it be with any propriety said that he literally transcribes Galen, who only brings a passage from him, in order to correct and amend and add to it. With all this our Reveditor2 seems very clear and positive as to the ages of Aëtius and Paulus;3 he takes them from Friend4 and might modestly have said so, but he takes them as Friend gives them, and that is positively enough “just like him” and yet perhaps the times and ages of those old folks are hardly yet ascertained. And now as to his criterion: Your answer to his annular fibres is jocular and confounding, but as for the bag or, as he calls it, sac, I apprehend the surest way of knowing whether it be ruptured or only dilated is to look at it and examine it, and that as you have said, it cannot be better done than by a careful dissection of that part and this same careful dissection, and after all his impertinent waggery, the stuffing and drying the bag seem to be a pretty tolerable way of getting at this same great criterion, which he is so sorry you should have omitted; for to know if a bag is burst or only stretched, is it not one of the best ways to take it up and look at it? This you have done and advise him so to do.5 The paragraph which begins “The Doctor divides the aneurysm into three species, etc.” is full of solemn nonsense. The disease cannot exist? What, may not an artery be partly ruptured, partly dilated? Surely it may; what English or sense is this--the tumour confined within the artery? It is a true aneurysm by your own definition; what does the B—kh—d mean? Your definition of a true aneurysm is it not, and that by dilatation? How comes then an aneurysm that is partly by rupture and partly by dilatation to be by your definition a true Aneurysm?6 Has there ever [been] any thing so futile as his question, would not compression hazard mortification?7 Is it to be supposed that the man who could write so had ever read your Remarks 18, 19, and 20? In the paragraph “We are not a little surprised” I am at a loss what this doughty critic be at. Remark the second. Where is the great contempt with which you treat Dr. Monro and Friend?8 I cannot find it. As for Numb. 18, I suppose he means No 23, and indeed for his reader of tolerable erudition, if he reads his authors as the reviewer reads his Galen, Aëtius, Paulus, etc., he may indeed make strange discoveries, that Hunter with all his parade is no original and that his remarks are but poor shreds from the Medical Essays and Dr. Friend’s History of Physick: To this I think I could say something like what Boileau’s Esprit says to the mauvais critiques. the reviewers of his time. The objection was that Boileau n’était qu’un Gueux revé tu des depouilles d’Horace et de Juvenal. His Esprit answers: Qu’íl étoit vray que Jadis Juvenal avoit dit en Latin Qu’on est assis à l’aise aux sermons de Cotin. N.B. I am not clear as to the meaning of the word [INSERT GREEK WORD] [anastomosis = opening, outlet - translator’s note] in Galen and his copiers, but this may be sometime the subject of a confabulation between you and your friend in Golden Square [John Clephane]. Golden Square, Monday, 1 July 1757 239. From J. Mich. Oleosi,1 5 April 1771 Dearest, Dearest Master, Civitelle, 5 April 1771 I’m piqued at the ill fortune which separates us against our will, granting me very little time, a tiny fraction of an hour, to enjoy your sweet conversation, though would that I could by putting off my friends and family. For only now, through your letter which I received this morning, do I know that you are being brought back from England, from this island of ours; but in the same letter you indicate that, as soon as a favourable wind blows, you shall be going forth from this island of ours. So then, you request that on the same day I remit to you a supplement to the history of that particular illness which we observed together. But want of time, along with the number of pleurisy patients who have been occupying me totally these days, bring it about that I may not be satisfying your reasonable request in the way that I should like. Therefore I will relate it with what brevity I can: From 4 January 1789 up until the present day in April 1771, the female patient has tolerated more than 150 venisections and sealings of her feet, (I) making use of the instructions for those sudden incisions, with none of the accredited treatments except for a venisection of about four ounces of blood, cupping glasses, foot baths, mustard [lacuna] nor controllable by [†vecicatoriis†]. [†From about 3 a.m. on the 22nd of last March, for during the afternoons the patient lost her speech with the great number of sealings and I wanted her to be kept without venisection until 10 o’clock in the morning on the following day, but, since her strength was failing, and by no other means would pauses be prolonged, I finally tried this remedy, and she both used her voice and recovered the ability to clot.†] But from that until the present day, it has been necessary for the venisections to be doubled. About the end of the month of February of this year 1770, she complained about pain in her loins extending throughout her whole abdomen, which disappeared of its own accord after she had excreted several membranaceous cylindrical (faeces) through the bowels, in colour and consistency resembling the [silkworms] just mentioned. The blindness in her left eye persists, manifesting itself with no external symptom. Her menstrual discharges are regular, but of an especially whitish colour. Her pulse is normal, and her belly also has shrunk, which is not consistent with her fever but not unnatural, and corresponds to the number of [sutures]; likewise with her urine. The colour of her face and the muscle tone of her body indicate health, if you except a slight pallor in her face and a slight looseness of the fibres. Nevertheless, the patient ought to rest, even lie continually in bed, since she cannot sustain more than a moderate vertical position. One thing I will mention in fine which is worthy of astonishment, viz., those remarkable convulsions which indicated intermittent tetanus now simulate cathelepsis; for in the midst of our conversations, all her limbs would suddenly become immobile, retaining the position which they held at the time of onset. They were rendered taut and rigid, and when the patient struggled to move them, even with the assistance of those standing by, the wretched woman fainted due to the pain. She lost all her senses, but when she came to herself, she recovered the flexibility and movement of her joints together with her senses. Sometimes on a single day, sometimes on alternate days—not infrequently on every third or fourth day—this form of cathelepsis was so scattered that her limbs remained immobile nor did the [position] of her joints ever change save if the patient had first fainted and first lost the use of her voice. These are the matters, sweetest friend, which I truthfully relate, after sedulously observing them, such as I confess that I could scarcely believe to have been [betrayed by a glance], if I had not been an eyewitness. [†But however I wish that with what truth I were able to write these things methodically and clearly, I am nevertheless confident that your humanity will prevail and you will have excused them†]. Your true and most devoted friend, J. Mich. Oleosi. 251. From Gauthier van Doeveren,1 11 June 1772 Gauthier van Doeveren sends greetings to William Hunter, the Most Distinguished and Learned Gentleman. Perhaps not utterly unknown to you by name, in some fashion at least on account of various kinds of studies in many disciplines, I, a noted patchwork of an admirer, offer you, Most Distinguished Sir, this token of esteem due you in view of your merits in promoting the art of healing, and the outstanding gentleman F. Dejean, a most ardent student of natural science and a practitioner of the medical art, and most worthy of your friendship and goodwill, whom, being most deserving, (as I surely know) no one will ever have cause to regret having done kindnesses or provided with useful advice, will convey to you these little works of mine, both of my academic lectures, delivered rather recently at Groningen and the Academy of Leiden. [Since], therefore, he is about to set forth for London in order to augment the science and knowledge collected here and elsewhere with the accumulated discoveries of the English and the productions of genius, I could not but introduce him to you and recommend him concerning his character. But if perhaps you should judge that I have dealt with you more freely than it were fitting, I would have you know that nothing would be more pleasant for me than if, presented with whatsoever occasion, I should be able [to furnish] you in return [with] specimens of a mind well-equipped for its duties. Goodbye, Most Renowned Sir, and love me! Sent from Lyons, the Netherlands, 11 June 1772. 380. Amadaeus Emanuel Haller, son of Albert, a Ducentumvir among the People of Bern, to the Illustrious, Most Famous, and Most Excellent Gentleman William Hunter, the finest physician [in the judgement of learned Germans]. What sad and bitter event has happened to me, to his widowed spouse, to his children mourning the best of fathers, at the urging of the entire family of the deceased, I judge must be communicated to you most dutifully, this which a consideration of my office also demands, since you have counted him in the number of your friends and honoured him with no ordinary goodwill, and you too would commiserate with our grief: Your very Haller, who cultivated you among his foremost (friends), already afflicted for several months with many great illnesses, crushed by [†marasmo†] amid ceaseless toils, now lies dead at the age of seventy. He gave up the ghost with piety and calm and went to sleep in the Lord at 7 p.m. on 13 December. But do you, Most Noble Gentleman, whom safe and surviving and prosperous he instructs to concern yourself for a very long time in human affairs, favour us and the memory of the blessed man. Sent from Bern after his burial, 16 December 1778. 385. From Johann Gottlieb Walter, 11 April 1778 Illustrious Gentleman and Patron, to be Honoured with pious thought, [Alas], it has been my intention for twenty years now to make your acquaintance and to recommend myself to your favour. Among those twists of fate which I have experienced, sometimes bitter, sometimes joyous, the hope that I should be permitted to come to London has laughed at me, because the malice of my enemies, of which I have in truth endured much, has protracted that sweet consolation from year to year. Now as I embark upon my forty-fourth year and take upon myself the most serious labours, it is scarcely permitted me to hope, Illustrious Sir, that I should ever admire and even look at your splendid medical work (now) made ready (for publication). Nevertheless, in the meantime I do not wholly despair; perhaps that will happen in a moment which is not hoped for in a year. I would that you receive the letter that I am sending you with the wonted favour which is innate to you and my endeavours with that judicious candor to which you are accustomed. Your response, very gratifying to me, I would regard with all piety and reverence as a most certain indication of your benevolence towards me. If these experiments of mine should not be displeasing to you, I shall share other and much more difficult neurological work with you in which I am at present engaged. May God bring it about that turbulent times become serene and grant me the leisure by which I may the more easily see to the overcoming of this difficult labour. Nothing more remains to me but that I should wish myself to be most commendable to you. Please greet your brother with my words, whose merits I deem as equally worthy of veneration as your own. Live long and prosperously and may you persuade yourself that I shall be the most zealous in the crowd of your admirers. Walter, at Berlin, 1 April 1778. 391. From Vicq D’Azyr1, 8 August 1778 Most Honoured Gentleman, The document of co-optation which today the Royal Medical Society of Paris is offering you I send to you the more willingly, because you will doubtless grant us your most pleasant and most useful correspondence, and whatever the association would want is to me most agreeable and especially profitable. Already the diplomas of a great many universities decorate your illustrious name. But to be enrolled in a truly medical university by one’s peers is to receive proof of the highest esteem; we believed it not unworthy of your renown. And I in particular rejoice most vivaciously, because that place which the Most Christian King of the French has granted me in our society will furnish me with tokens of my wholly constant regard for you and multiply those occasions on which I may always say Honourable Gentleman, (I am) your most obedient servant and admirer, Vicq D’Azyr, Permanent Secretary of the Royal Society of Paris, 8 August 1778. 394. To Vicq d’Azyr, Secretary of the Royal Medical Society of Paris, Paris, 6 October 1778 (draft) William Hunter sends greeting to the Living [sic], Distinguished Vicq d’Azyr. I have received your letter, Learned Sir, “full” of goodwill towards me “with a grateful hand”, in which it has been announced to me that our name has been enrolled in the new College of Physicians at Paris. While in this honour I see clearly how unworthy I shall have been, I dare say this at least about myself, that no man more fervently or more breathlessly prays for whatever is fortunate and favourable than for an institution so liberal and truly royal, and which, forsooth, pertains not to this or that nation, but embraces the whole human race. And I would wish to convert that which is a very great honour to me into some profit and utility in regard to others, and to transfer our contribution even upon the public. But this is the plan of our busy life that, beyond the duty of a grateful disposition, I dare to promise [nothing dutiful whatever]. But do you, in accordance with your civility, salute the Most Distinguished President and Fellows in my name, whom I shall always honour with the deepest reverence and regard and who hold me bound to them with all zeal, and fare you well. Sent from London, 6 October 1778.
Greek (Ancient) to English: Heracliti Ephesii De Natura, Fragmenta Selecta
Source text - Greek (Ancient) Fragmente der Vorsokratiker ed. H. Diels, Berlin 1903 u. ö. [1] τοῦ δὲ λόγου τοῦδ᾽ ἐόντος ἀεὶ ἀξύνετοι γίνονται ἄνθρωποι καὶ πρόσθεν ἢ ἀκοῦσαι καὶ ἀκούσαντες τὸ πρῶτον· γινομένων γὰρ πάντων κατὰ τὸν λόγον τόνδε ἀπείροισιν ἐοίκασι, πειρώμενοι καὶ ἐπέων καὶ ἔργων τοιούτων, ὁκοίων ἐγὼ διηγεῦμαι κατὰ φύσιν διαιρέων ἕκαστον καὶ φράζων ὅκως ἔχει· τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους λανθάνει ὁκόσα ἐγερθέντες ποιοῦσιν, ὅκωσπερ ὁκόσα εὕδοντες ἐπιλανθάνονται. [2] διὸ δεῖ ἕπεσθαι τῶι ξυνῶι, τουτέστι τῶι κοινῶι· ξυνὸς γὰρ ὁ κοινός. τοῦ λόγου δ᾽ ἐόντος ξυνοῦ ζώουσιν οἱ πολλοὶ ὡς ἱδίαν ἔχοντες φρόνησιν. [17] οὐ γὰρ φρονέουσι τοιαῦτα πολλοί, ὁκόσοι ἐγκυρεῦσιν, οὐδὲ μαθόντες γινώσκουσιν, ἑωυτοῖσι δὲ δοκέουσι. [18] ἐὰν μὴ ἔλπηθαι ἀνέλπιστον οὐκ ἐξευρήσει, ἀνεξερεύνητον ἐὸν καὶ ἄπορον. [19] ἀκοῦσαι οὐκ ἐπιστάμενοι οὐδ᾽ εἰπεῖν. [22] χρυσὸν γὰρ οἱ διζήμενοι γῆν πολλὴν ὀρύσσουσι καὶ εὑρίσκουσιν ὀλίγον. [34] ἀξύνετοι ἀκούσαντες κωφοῖσιν ἐοίκασι· φάτις αὐτοῖσιν μαρτυρεῖ παρεόντας ἀπεῖναι. [35] χρὴ εὖ μάλα πολλῶν ἵστορας φιλοσόφους ἄνδρας εἶναι. [40] πολυμαθίη νόον οὐ διδάσκει· Ἡδίοδον γὰρ ἂν ἐδίδαξε καὶ Πυθαγόρην αὖτίς τε Ξενοφάνεά τε καὶ Ἑκαταῖον. [42] Ὅμηρος ἄξιος ἐκ τῶν ἀγώνων ἐκβάλλεσθαι καὶ ῥαπίζεσθαι καὶ Ἀρχίλοχος ὁμοίως. [47] μὴ εἰκῆ περὶ τῶν μεγίστων συμβαλλώμεθα. [55] ὅσων ὄψις ἀκοὴ μάθησις, ταῦτα ἐγὼ προτιμέω. [56] ἐξηπάτηνται οἱ ἄνθρωποι πρὸς τὴν γνῶσιν τῶν φανερῶν παραπλησίως Ὁμήρωι, ὃς ἐγένετο τῶν Ἑλλήνων σοφώτερος πάντων. ἐκεῖνόν τε γὰρ παῖδες φθεῖρας κατακτείνοντες ἐξηπάτησαν εἰπόντες· ὅσα εἴδομεν καὶ ἐλάβομεν, ταῦτα ἀπολείπομεν, ὅσα δὲ οὔτε εἴδομεν οὔτ᾽ ἐλάβομεν, ταῦτα φέρομεν. [57] διδάσκαλος δὲ πλείστων Ἡσίοδος· τοῦτον ἐπὶστανται πλεῖστα εἰδέναι, ὅστις ἡμέρην καὶ εὐφρόνην οὐκ ἐγίνωσκεν· ἔστι γὰρ ἕν. [71-73] . . . τοῦ ἐπιλανθανομένου ἧι ἡ ὁδὸς ἄγει. ὧι μάλιστα διηνεκῶς ὁμιλοῦσι λόγωι, τούτωι διαφέρονται, καὶ οἷς καθ᾽ ἡμέρην ἐγκυροῦσι, ταῦτα αὐτοῖς ξένα φαίνεται. οὐ δεῖ ὥσπερ καθεύδοντας ποιεῖν καὶ λέγειν. καὶ γὰρ τότε δοκοῦμεν ποιεῖν καὶ λέγειν. [74] οὐ δεῖ ὡς παῖδας τοκεώνων . . . [89] τοῖς ἐγρηγορόσιν ἕνα καὶ κοινὸν κόσμον εἶναι, (τῶν δὲ κοιμωμένων ἕκαστον εἰς ἴδιον ἀποστρέφεσθαι). [101a] ὀφθαλμοὶ γὰρ τῶν ὤτων ἀκριβέστεροι μάρτυρες. [106] (Ἡσίοδος ἠγνόει) φύσιν ἡμέρης ἁπάσης μίαν οὖσαν. [107] κακοὶ μάρτυρες ἀνθρώποισιν ὀφθαλμοὶ καὶ ὦτα βαρβάρους ψυχὰς ἐχόντων. [123] φύσις κρύπτεσθαι φιλεῖ.	Translation - English [1] Of this speech, while it is ever true, ever do men become mindless, both before they have heard it and once they have heard it. For while all comes into being acording to this speech, they are like the unproven proving both words and deeds such as these I myself set forth, breaking down each according to its kind and showing how it holds together. But all they do awake escapes other men, even as they forget all they do sleeping. [2] [Wherefore one must keep following the common, for the common means shared.] And while the speech is shared, the many live as if each has his own thought. [17] For many do not feel such tings as they encounter, nor yet, while they have learned them, do they understand them, but guess to themselves. [18] Unless one will keep watching for that which cannot be watched for, one will not find it out, for it is pathless and cannot be sought out. [19] Not knowing how to listen, nor yet how to speak. [22] Those who look for gold delve through much earth and find little. [34] Since mindless have they heard it, they are like the deaf. A byword bears them witness--off in a world of one's own. [35] [According to Heraclitus, men who love wisdom must be judges of right well many things.] [40] Wide learning does not teach wisdom; for it would have tuaght Hesiod and Pythagoras, and in turn Xenophanes and Hecataeus. [42] [He would say that Homer was fit to be thrown out of the lists and cudgelled, and Archilochus in like wise.] [47] Let us not keep throwing our thoughts together at random about the weightiest things. [55] The seeing, the hearing, the learning of so many things, these I myself deem of greater worth. [56] Men have thoroughly misled themselves as to their knowledge of what is plain nearly as Homer, who was born wiser than all the Greeks; for him too did boys killing lice mislead by saying, "As many as we saw and caught, these we lose, yet as many as we neither saw nor caught, these we carry off." [57] The teacheer of most is Hesiod; him they trust to know most, whoso did not perceive day and evening, for it is one. [71-73] [Ever bear in mind the Heraclitean tag . . . And bear in mind, too,] "him who forgets where the road leads", and that "they are at odds with that (the speech that keeps house for the whole) "with which they foregather oftenest of all", and "those things look outlandish to them which they encounter every day", and that "one ought not to speak and behave like those who lie sleeping." [74] One must not behave and speak as children of one's father and mother. [89] [Heraclitus says that for those awake the world is one and common, but that each of those falling asleep is turning away into his own world.] [101a] For eyes are witnesses more careful than the ears. [106] [Heraclitus chid Hesiod for making some of his (days) good, others bad, as missing the truth that the kind of day is one.] [107] Eyes and ears are bad witnesses for men with outlandish souls. [123] Nature loves to lie hidden.
Greek (Ancient) to English: M. Aurelii Antonini Meditationes, 2.1.1ff.
Source text - Greek (Ancient) [1] Ἕωθεν προλέγειν ἑαυτῶι· συντεύξομαι περιέργωι, ἀχαρίστωι, ὑβριστῆι, δολερῶι, βασκάνωι, ἀκοινωνήτωι· [2] πάντα ταῦτα συμβέβηκεν ἐκείνοις παρὰ τὴν ἄγνοιαν τῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ κακῶν. [3] ἐγὼ δὲ τεθεωρηκὼς τὴν φύσιν τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ ὅτι καλόν, καὶ τοῦ κακοῦ ὅτι αἰσχρόν, καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἁμαρτάνοντος φύσιν ὅτι μοι συγγενής, οὐχὶ αἵματος ἢ σπέρματος τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἀλλὰ νοῦ καὶ θείας ἀπομοίρας μέτοχος, οὔτε βλαβῆναι ὑπό τινος αὐτῶν δύναμαι· αἰσχρῶι γάρ με οὐδεὶς περιβαλεῖ· οὔτε ὀργίζεσθαι τῶι συγγενεῖ δύναμαι οὔτε ἀπέχθεσθαι αὐτῶι. [4] γεγόναμεν γὰρ πρὸς συνεργίαν ὡς πόδες, ὡς χεῖρες, ὡς βλέφαρα, ὡς οἱ στοῖχοι τῶν ἄνω καὶ τῶν κάτω ὀδόντων. [5] τὸ οὖν ἀντιπράσσειν ἀλλήλοις παρὰ φύσιν· ἀντιπρακτικὸν δὲ τὸ ἀγανακτεῖν καὶ ἀποστρέφεσθαι.	Translation - English Warn yourself at the crack of dawn: I’ll be running into a busybody, an ingrate, an insolent, a traitor, a slanderer, a self-seeker. All these attributes are theirs due to ignorance of what is good and bad. But I, having witnessed the nature of good, that it is beautiful, and of bad, that it is ugly, and the nature of the delinquent himself, that it is akin to my own, since he has a share, not indeed of the same blood or seed, but of mind and divinity, cannot be perverted by any of them, (for none will involve me in an ugly act), nor can I get angry with my kinsman, nor be made to quarrel with him. For we were born to work together, like the feet, like the hands, like the eyes, like the upper and lower rows of the teeth. Consequently, to counteract one another is against Nature, and to show one’s displeasure and to turn one’s back is counteraction.
Greek (Ancient) to Latin: Anacreontea 23
Source text - Greek (Ancient) Anacreontea Greek Lyric, Vol. 2, ed. D.A. Campbell Harvard University Press, 1988 No. 23 Θέλω λέγειν Ἀτρείδας, θέλω δὲ Κάδμον ἄιδειν, ὁ βάρβιτος δὲ χορδαῖς ἔρωτα μοῦνον ἠχεῖ. ἤμειψα νεῦρα πρώην καὶ τὴν λύρην ἅπασαν· κἀγὼ μὲν ἦιδον ἄθλους Ἡρακλέους, λύρη δέ ἔρωτας ἀντεφώνει. χαίροιτε λοιπὸν ἡμῖν, ἥρωες· ἡ λύρη γάρ μόνους ἔρωτας ἄιδει.	Translation - Latin Anacreontea XXIII Volo celebrem Atridas volo canamque Cadmum: sed barbitos fidesque solum sonant Amorem. Nervos modo novavi et integra canebam lyra Herculi labores: respondit lyra amores. Valete tempus omne, heroes: est canendus solus lyrae Cupido.
Spanish to English: Jorge Luis Borges, Calle Desconocida
Source text - Spanish Jorge Luis Borges Calle Desconocida Penumbra de la paloma Llamaron los hebreos a la iniciación de la tarde Cuando la sombra no entorpece los pasos Y la venida de la noche se advierte Como una música esperada, No como símbolo de nuestra esencial nadería. En esa hora de fina luz arenosa Mis pasos dieron con una calle ignorada, Abierta en noble anchura de terraza, Mostrando en las cornisas y en las paredes Colores blandos como el mismo cielo Que commovía el fondo. Todo—honesta medianía de las casas austeras, Travesura de columnitas y aldabas, Tal vez una esperanza de niña en los balcones— Se me adentró en el vano corazón Con limpidez de lágrima. Quizá esa hora única Aventajaba con prestigio la calle, Dándole privilegios de ternura, Haciéndola real como una leyenda o un verso; Lo cierto es que la sentí lejanamente cercana Como recuerdo que si llega cansado Es porque viene de la hondura del alma. Intimo y entrañable Era el milagro de la calle clara Y sólo después Entendí que aquel lugar era extraño, Que toda casa es candelabro Donde arden con aislada llama las vidas, Que todo inmeditado paso nuestro Camina sobre Gólgotas ajenos.	Translation - English Jorge Luis Borges Unknown Street Half-light of the dove the Hebrews called the beginning of evening, when the darkness doesn’t block one’s steps and the coming of night is pointed out like an awaited song, not like a token of our essential nothingness. In that hour of thin, sandy light my steps strike against a street unknown, opened upon a noble stretch of terrace, showing on cornices and walls hues soft as the very sky that stirred the background. Everything—the chaste mediocrity of the stark houses, the antics of little columns and door-knockers, maybe a girl’s hope on the window sills— went into my hollow heart with the cleanliness of a tear. Perhaps that unique hour winnowed the street with illusion, giving it the prerogatives of love, making it real like a tale or a verse; what’s certain is that I felt it distantly nigh, as if when a memory arrives, weary because it comes from the soul’s depth. Intimate and close was this miracle of the clear street and only afterwards did I perceive that this place was strange, that every house is a candelabra where lives blaze with a detached flame, that every one of our unthought steps strolls over others’ Golgothas.

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Years of translation experience: 25. Registered at ProZ.com: Sep 2002. Became a member: Apr 2006.

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Latin to English (University of Massachusetts-B.A, M.A.)
English to Latin (University of Massachusetts-B.A., M.A.)
Greek (Ancient) to English (University of Massachusetts-B.A., M.A.)
English to Greek (Ancient) (University of Massachusetts, B.A., M.A.)
Latin to Spanish (University of Massachusetts-B.A.)

The Classical Association of New England, The American Classical League, Classical Association of the Atlantic States

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Translations, tutorial services, proofreading/copy-editing, and grammatical, literary, and historical exegesis in Latin, Classical Greek, English (American and British), and Spanish (American and Castilian) for over a quarter of a century.

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