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English to Portuguese - Rates: 0.06 - 0.11 EUR per word Portuguese to English - Rates: 0.06 - 0.11 EUR per word Polish to English - Rates: 0.06 - 0.11 EUR per word Polish to Portuguese - Rates: 0.06 - 0.11 EUR per word
Polish to English: SOCIAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP IN THE EUROPEAN UNION. LEGAL SOLUTIONS. General field: Social Sciences Detailed field: Law (general)
Source text - Polish „Przedsiębiorstwa społeczne to nie firmy nastawione wyłącznie komercyjnie a przedsiębiorstwa społeczne właśnie; potrzebują planów działania dostosowanych do przedsięwzięć społecznych; wymagają wsparcia i instrumentów finansowych adekwatnych do wartości, którym służą” (John Pearce, Social Enterprise in Anytown)
I. POJĘCIE EKONOMII SPOŁECZNEJ i PRZEDSIĘBIORCZOŚCI SPOŁECZNEJ / PRZEDSIĘBIORSTWA SPOŁECZNEGO
1. DEFINICJA EKONOMII SPOŁECZNEJ
Spośród wielu prób definiowania gospodarki społecznej (lub wg J. Wilkina ekonomii politycznej gospodarki społecznej) na uwagę zasługuje ujęcie flamandzkiego Konsortium na rzecz Ekonomii Społecznej (VOSEC) z 1997 r. W tym podejściu mianem ekonomii społecznej określa się inicjatywy i przedsiębiorstwa, dla których jednym z głównych celów jest produkcja korzyści społecznych i przestrzeganie następujących elementarnych zasad: pierwszeństwo pracy przed kapitałem, przestrzeganie demokratycznego podejmowania decyzji, realizacja usług dla społeczności lokalnych jako cel nadrzędny, a także umacnianie wiarygodności, jakości oraz trwałości działania. W dokumencie VOSEC zwraca się także uwagę na jakość relacji wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych w instytucjach ekonomii społecznej jako istotnej cechy tej grupy podmiotów, a także na znaczenie efektywności ekonomicznej oraz na wymóg pozyskiwania środków ze źródeł rynkowych (sprzedaż dóbr i usług) jak i nierynkowych (subsydia, dotacje, praca społeczna).
Inicjatywy nowej ekonomii społecznej istnieją w wielu dziedzinach gospodarki i obejmują szeroką gamę działań o zróżnicowanym charakterze. Początkowo były to przede wszystkim działania z zakresu polityki rynku pracy, w tym zwłaszcza reintegracji społeczno-zawodowej grup dotkniętych wykluczeniem społecznym, przeciwstawiające się nieuzasadnionej polaryzacji dochodowej społeczeństw. Stopniowo w ramach gospodarki społecznej rozwinęły się także inicjatywy promujące działania przyjazne dla środowiska, promujące m.in. rekultywację odpadów, pojawiły się także postulaty podniesienia pracy domowej do rangi zawodu i wycenienia pracy domowej jako podstawy ustalania emerytur i rent dla kobiet zajmujących się gospodarstwem domowym. Innym obszarem inicjatyw z zakresu gospodarki społecznej jest promowanie etyki gospodarczej (upatrywanie w działalności gospodarczej nie tylko zysku osobistego, ale i pozytywnych skutków dla wpólnoty) i demokracji ekonomicznej (rewaloryzacja pracowniczych/grupowych form własności, promowanie alternatywnych form kredytowania opartych na zasadach solidarności) oraz odbudowy idei obywatelskości (J. Defourny i M. Simon i S. Adam, 2002).
Dualizm podejścia do definiowania przedsiębiorczości społecznej/przedsiębiorstwa społecznego (ps)
a) PS jest postrzegane jako podgrupa ekonomii społecznej zorientowana na rynek (market- oriented social economy) i pojmowane jako odrębna, zupełnie nowa instytucja gospodarki społecznej, których celem jest osiągnięcie ekonomicznej równowagi dzięki udanemu połączeniu rynkowych i nierynkowych źródeł finansowania oraz zasobów niepieniężnych (praca społeczna) i dochodów z ofiarności prywatnej;
b) PS ujmuje się także jako wyraz przedsiębiorczości organizacji trzeciego sektora, które rozwijając działalność gospodarczą łączą w sobie klasyczny solidaryzm z duchem przedsiębiorczości;
c) Ps jest także postrzegana jako odpowiedź instytucjonalna organizacji trzeciego sektora na problemy finansowania organizacji non-profit wynikłe z transformacji powojennego państwa opiekuńczego oraz spadek ofiarności. W definicjach uwypukla się także innowacyjny charakter ps oraz ryzyko finansowe podejmowane przez część ps.
II. GENEZA
W Europie koncepcja PS powstała w początku lat 90. i wywodzi się z włoskiego ruchu spółdzielczego (ustawa Parlamentu włoskiego z 1991 r. dot. Spółdzielni społecznych). Przyczyn powstawania i dynamicznego rozwoju ps można poszukiwać na gruncie włoskim należałoby poszukiwać w braku zaspokojenia przez służby publiczne wielu potrzeb społecznych bądź też ich niewłaściwym rozpoznaniu. Według ujęcia OECD rozwój przedsiębiorczości społecznej jest rezultatem przemian powojennych systemów socjalnych, mankamentów rynku w zakresie dostarczania określonych dóbr społecznych, nowych programów zatrudnienia i współpracy między partnerami społecznymi i gospodarczymi oraz skutkiem wzrostu popytu na usługi społeczne i usługi w miejscu zamieszkania. Odpowiedzi na pytanie o dzisiejsze przyczyny rozwoju nowej przedsiębiorczości społecznej, a nie jedynie organizacji trzeciego sektora lub ekonomii społecznej należy szukać także w teoriach przedsiębiorczości. Nawiązując do znanej pracy Schumpetera z 1943 r. nt. rozwoju ekonomicznego wiadomo, iż jego celem jest proces wypracowania nowych kombinacji w procesie produkcji. Te kombinacje dotyczyć mogą wprowadzenia nowego produktu lub nowej jakości produktu, wprowadzenia nowej metody produkcji, otwarcie nowego rynku, zdobycie nowego źródła surowców lub odnowienie danej branży organizacji.
W Polsce po 1989 r. ma miejsce stopniowa budowa instytucji nowej gospodarki społecznej, w szczególności w formie prawnej stowarzyszeń i fundacji. Należy tu wymienić m.in. pionierskie i oryginalne działania Fundacji Pomocy Wzajemnej Barka w zakresie aktywizacji społeczno-zawodowej grup społecznych dotkniętych i zagrożonych bezrobociem i wykluczeniem społecznym, dzięki którym wiele najuboższych osób i rodzin odzyskało ludzką godność oraz nadzieję i realne możliwości powrotu do społeczeństwa i na rynek pracy. Prócz inicjatyw integracyjnych nowa polska ekonomia społeczna z sukcesem odbudowuje także i rozwija spółdzielczość kredytowo-oszczędnościową (wielki rozwój SKOK), a ostatnio także spółdzielnie społeczne (E. Leś, 2004) i działania w ochronie środowiska.
III. PODSTAWY PRAWNE
1. Przedsiębiorstwa społeczne przyjmują różnorakie formy prawne: stowarzyszenia i spółdzielnie (Szwecja), towarzystwa spółdzielcze i spółdzielnie solidarności
2. społecznej (Włochy), spółki (Hiszpania), towarzystwa przemysłowe i związki oszczędnościowe (Wielka Brytania). W wielu krajach UE brak jest prawnej definicji przedsiębiorstwa społecznego i istnieje wielość form prawnych ps;
3. W większości krajów UE przedsiębiorstwa społeczne przyjmują trzy główne formy prawne (spółdzielnie, stowarzyszenia, fundacje);
4. Rozwiązania prawne w wybranych krajach UE .
Belgia: spółki o celu społecznym (societe a finalite sociale), spółdzielnie, stowarzyszenia. Od 1995 r. ps mogą wybrać między statusem stowarzyszenia nie nastawionego na zysk a spółką o celu społecznym.
Zgodnie z belgijską ustawą o spółkach o celu społecznym, każde przedsiębiorstwo może przyjąć status takiej spółki pod warunkiem spełnienia następujących 7 kryteriów:
1. partnerzy są zgodni działać nie dla zysku lub ograniczyć osiąganie zysku
2. przedsiębiorstwo ściśle precyzuje cele społeczne, których celem nie może być przysparzanie nawet pośrednio zysku partnerom
3. polityka przedsiębiorstwa w zakresie przeznaczania zysków i tworzenia rezerw musi odpowiadać jego celom społecznym
4. przedsiębiorstwo ma obowiązek wydania rocznego raportu zawierającego informacje, w jaki sposób zrealizowało cele społeczne, w tym informacje nt. wydatków na inwestycje, kosztów operacyjnych i kosztów personelu
5. każdy pracownik po roku nienagannej pracy ma prawo stać się partnerem przedsiębiorstwa
6. każdy pracownik, który rozwiąże kontrakt z przedsiębiorstwem traci status partnera
7. w razie likwidacji ps nadwyżka po wypłaceniu wszystkich należności ciążących na przedsiębiorstwie jest przeznaczona na cele społeczne przez przekazanie pozostałych funduszy na rzecz innego przedsiębiorstwa o celu społecznym (OECD, 1999).
Włochy
Włoskie prawo 381 nt. spółdzielni społecznych (cooperative sociali) z 1991 r.
Celem cs jest dostarczenie korzyści społecznościom lokalnym przez promocję humanitaryzmu i integrację społeczną obywateli. Prawo o spółdzielniach społecznych wyróżnia 2 typy spółdzielni:
1. ukierunkowane na realizację usług zdrowotnych, edukacyjnych i socjalnych dla osób starszych, uzależnionych, niepełnosprawnych, małoletnich, imigrantów i bezdomnych spoza krajów UE (TYP A)
2. ukierunkowane na reintegrację z rynkiem pracy grup defaworyzowanych za pomocą różnorodnych form usług zapewniających trwałą pracę lub pomóc w znalezieniu pracy na konkurencyjnym rynku (TYP B)
Spółdzielnie społeczne typu B, aby uzyskać właściwy status są obligowane prawem do zatrudnienia minimum 30% swoich pracowników spośród grup z problemami społecznymi. W zamian spółdzielnia typu B nabywa prawo do odliczeń podatkowych składek na ubezpieczenie społeczne oraz może ubiegać się o pomoc publiczną.
IV. PRZYKŁADY TYPÓW PS
Belgia:
przedsiębiorstwa integracji zawodowej dla młodzieży (około 1000 miejsc nauki zawodu, około 2000 uczestników rocznie)
przedsiębiorstwa adaptacji zawodowej (adapted work enterprises) działające w formie prawnej stowarzyszenia dla osób niepełnosprawnych (około 20 000 osób znajduje stałą pracę). Samofinansowanie poziomie na średnio 60% ze sprzedaży towarów i usług na rynku. Pomoc publiczna ścisłe przeznaczona na sfinansowanie nadzoru nad niepełnosprawnymi pracownikami oraz rekompensaty za niższą produktywność.
warsztaty społeczne pracy chronionej dla osób szczególnie upośledzonych społecznie i zawodowo (analfabeci, osoby z rodzin z problemami społecznymi). Dzięki podejmowaniu działalności gospodarczej częściowo samofinansujące się, przy dużej pomocy publicznej (80 warsztatów oferujących prace dla ok. 900 osób
przedsiębiorstwa integracyjne działające w formie prawnej spółki (market-oriented social economy) dla długotrwale bezrobotnych o niskich kwalifikacjach o łączące cel społeczny z orientacją rynkową. Istnieje 25 takich przedsiębiorstw zorientowanych na tworzenie stałych miejsc pracy na tradycyjnym rynku pracy i pozyskujących gros swoich dochodów ze sprzedaży dóbr i usług. Znacząca pomoc publiczna przeznaczona jest na wyrównanie poziomu dochodów osób znajdujących się w procesie integracji.
przedsiębiorstwa usług w miejscu zamieszkania (proximity services), zwłaszcza w zakresie budownictwa społecznego, rewitalizacji terenów zaniedbanych, usług domowych i opieki nad dzieckiem. Przykładowo organizacje budownictwa społecznego przybierają zwykle formę stowarzyszeń i zapewniają: mentoring społeczny lokatorom słabszym na rynku z jednoczesnym wzmacnianiem ich pozycji vis a vis właścicieli domów; inwestują w renowację opuszczonych nieruchomości często włączając w ten proces przyszłych lokatorów (w ramach tzw.kontraktów samorenowacyjnych). Istnieje tu wiele ofert wynajmu: od krótkoterminowych do długookresowych aż po możliwość wykupu mieszkania);
przedsiębiorstwa opieki nad dzieckiem istnieją w formie stowarzyszeń, oferują usługi opieki nad dzieckiem w nagłych przypadkach (choroba, obowiązek udziału rodzica w obowiązkowym szkoleniu zawodowym lub w razie poszukiwania pracy, organizacja zajęć pozalekcyjnych, organizacja opieki nad dzieckiem poza godzinami, w których czynne są inne instytucje tego typu);
przedsiębiorstwa usług domowych w miejscu zamieszkania istnieją w formie stowarzyszeń, adresują one swoje usługi do osób starszych w formie asystowania w załatwieniu spraw, zakupów i drobnych napraw.
Wielka Brytania
Przedsiębiorstwa społeczne występują w formie spółdzielni lub organizacji dobrowolnych (voluntary organizations), brak prawa odrębnego nt. spółdzielni i ps, które najczęściej występują w formie spółki z ograniczoną odpowiedzialnością (spółdzielnie) lub na mocy prawa towarzystw przemysłowych i kredytowych (organizacje dobrowolne), które także mogą być zarejestrowane na mocy prawa o organizacji charytatywnych. PS występują m.in. w formie social firms (zatrudnienie osób chorujących psychicznie) wspieranych z funduszy UE oraz via partnerstwa publiczno-społeczne oraz community businesses głównie w formie organizacji non-profit opartych na własności wspólnotowej ukierunkowanych
początkowo na mobilizowanie wiejskich społeczności i umacnianie ich struktur w celu organizacji usług transportowych i handlowych (członkowie społeczności lokalnych mają udziały w cb, w ten sposób są ich właścicielami i kontrolują je.
Zgodnie z definicją rządu brytyjskiego „Przedsiębiorstwo społeczne to działalność gospodarcza, która ma również na celu realizację powinności społecznych i która inwestuje nadwyżki na cele społeczne zamiast kierować się zasadą osiągania maksymalnego zysku na rzecz akcjonariuszy lub właścicieli” (ECOTEC, 2003).
Irlandia: spółka z o.o., towarzystwo przemysłowe i oszczędnościowe, spółdzielnia, trust
- przedsiębiorstwa społeczne integracji zawodowej
- przedsiębiorstwa społeczne związane z zaspokojeniem potrzeb w zakresie budownictwa społecznego
- spółdzielnie oszczędnościowo-kredytowe
- przedsiębiorstwa społeczne dostarczające usługi indywidualne i sąsiedzkie
- przedsiębiorstwa społeczne lokalnego rozwoju
Finlandia:
Przedsiębiorstwa społeczne występują w formie warsztatów pracy dla młodzieży bezrobotnej w formie prawnej stowarzyszenia, stowarzyszeń mieszkaniowych, spółdzielni mieszkaniowych i spółdzielni wiejskich. Te ostatnie prowadzą m.in. sklepy wiejskie, usługi pocztowe, bankowe, szkoły podstawowe i usługi zdrowotne
W literaturze przyjmuje się (J. Defourny, 2001), że mianem przedsiębiorstwa społecznego określa się inicjatywy spełniające następujące kryteria ekonomiczne i społeczne:
Kryteria ekonomiczne
1. stała działalność mająca bezpośrednio na celu produkcję dóbr i/lub sprzedaż usług
2. (w mniejszym stopniu natomiast niż klasyczne organizacje III sektora
3. angażują się w działalność rzeczniczą lub zajmują się redystrybucją)
4. wysoki stopień autonomii działania: przedsiębiorstwa społeczne są zakładane na zasadach dobrowolności przez grupy obywateli i przez nich zarządzane (nie są zarządzane pośrednio lub bezpośrednio przez władze publiczne lub inne instytucje, jak firmy prywatne czy federacje), chociaż mogą korzystać z dotacji publicznych. Ich udziałowcy mają prawo głosu i prawo do własnego stanowiska oraz prawo wyjścia z organizacji
5. ponoszenie znaczącego ryzyka ekonomicznego w prowadzeniu działalności (finansowe podstawy działania przedsiębiorstw społecznych zależą od wysiłków ich członków i pracowników, do których należy zapewnienie odpowiednich zasobów finansowych, w odróżnieniu od instytucji publicznych)
6. działalność przedsiębiorstw społecznych wymaga istnienia minimalnego personelu płatnego, chociaż podobnie jak w przypadku tradycyjnych organizacji społecznych, przedsiębiorstwa społeczne mogą bazować w swojej działalności zarówno na zasobach finansowych jak i poza pieniężnych oraz opierać swoją działalność na pracy płatnej i społecznej.
Kryteria społeczne
1. działalność przedsiębiorstw społecznych jest ukierunkowana explicite na rzecz wspierania i rozwoju społeczności lokalnej i promowania poczucia odpowiedzialności społecznej na szczeblu lokalnym. Jednym z zasadniczych celów przedsiębiorstw społecznych jest służenie rozwojowi wspólnot lokalnych lub wybranych zbiorowości oraz produkcja dóbr i usług, które nie są zaspokajane ani przez rynek ani przez państwo
2. przedsiębiorstwa społeczne wyróżnia także to, że ich działalność ma lokalny charakter i jest wynikiem kolektywnych wysiłków angażujących obywateli należących do danej wspólnoty lub grupy, którą łączą wspólne potrzeby lub cele
3. demokratyczne zarządzanie w przedsiębiorstwach społecznych oparte na zasadzie 1 miejsce 1 głos; proces podejmowania decyzji nie podporządkowany udziałom kapitałowym, chociaż w p.s. właściciele kapitału odgrywają istotną rolę, to prawa w zakresie podejmowania decyzji są dzielone z innymi udziałowcami
4. partycypacyjny charakter p.s. P.s. odznaczają się tym, że użytkownicy ich usług są reprezentowani i uczestniczą w ich strukturach. W wielu przypadkach jednym z celów p.s. jest wzmocnienie demokracji na szczeblu lokalnym poprzez działalność ekonomiczną
5. ograniczona dystrybucja zysków. W zakres pojęcia p.s. wchodzą zarówno organizacje, których cechą jest całkowity zakaz dystrybuowania zysków, jak i organizacje, np. spółdzielnie, które mogą dystrybuować zyski jedynie w ograniczonym zakresie unikając w ten sposób działań ukierunkowanych na maksymalizację zysku.
Cechy nowej przedsiębiorczości społecznej:
Nowe działania lub nowa jakość usług
Cechą charakterystyczną nowej przedsiębiorczości podejmowanej przez instytucje i organizacje ekonomii społecznej jest jej szczególnie innowacyjny charakter w porównaniu do tradycyjnych inicjatyw tego typu. Skutkiem nowej przedsiębiorczości w ramach sektora gospodarki społecznej są nowe metody organizacji i/lub produkcji świadczeń i usług społecznych, nowe relacje z rynkiem, nowe formy przedsiębiorczości.
Nowe metody organizacji i /lub produkcji dóbr i usług
Inicjowane przez instytucje gospodarki społecznej nowe metody organizacji produkcji świadczeń i usług społecznych, w porównaniu do inicjatyw tradycyjnych polegają przede wszystkim na włączaniu do współpracy przy realizacji świadczeń i usług wielu odmiennych kategorii partnerów. Należą do nich płatni pracownicy, wolontariusze oraz użytkownicy/konsumenci /adresaci świadczeń i usług, a także organizacje wspierające. Szczególnie należy podkreślić tu rolę samorządu terytorialnego, który dzięki możliwości włączania do współpracy wielu aktorów społecznych i podmiotów gospodarczych odgrywa szczególnie doniosłą rolę w przezwyciężaniu bezrobocia i ubóstwa poprzez promowanie partnerstwa ze wszystkimi lokalnymi podmiotami społecznymi i gospodarczymi. Współpraca wszystkich stron, choć może nie rewolucjonizuje sposobu dostarczania usług, to zmienia sposób prowadzenia działalności oraz pozwala łączyć różnorakie zasoby finansowe i nie-finansowe pozostające w dyspozycji poszczególnych partnerów na rzecz tworzenia nowych miejsc pracy.
Zmieniająca się rola wolontariatu i pracy płatnej w przedsięwzięciach ekonomii społecznej
Wolontariat stanowi istotny czynnik w działalności nowych przedsięwzięć ekonomii społecznej w krajach UE. Zmienia się rola wolontariatu: od tradycyjnej kultury dobroczynności i „bojowego wolontariatu” lat 60. i 70. ku bardziej pragmatycznemu podejściu, którego istota polega na nastawieniu na „cele produkcyjne i społecznie użyteczne” oraz działalność obywatelską ukierunkowaną na konkretne potrzeby.
W nowego typu inicjatywach zwanych zbiorczo przedsiębiorstwami społecznymi wolontariusze podejmują nierzadko role postrzegane dotąd jako działania typowe dla sfery przedsiębiorczości, a nie działalności społecznej, jak np. prowadzenie działalności gospodarczej.
Zmienia się także rola płatnego personelu w przedsiębiorstwach społecznych realizowanych w ramach gospodarki społecznej. Chodzi m.in. o nietypowe formy zatrudnienia, jak rozwój zatrudnienia w niepełnym wymiarze ze zredukowanym czasem pracy. Ponadto w przedsiębiorstwach społecznych tradycyjny status pracownika jest dodatkowy wzbogacony o czynnik demokratycznej partycypacji. Pracobiorcy instytucji gospodarki społecznej są równocześnie członkami ciał zarządzających przedsiębiorstw, w których są zatrudnieni i pełnią także role decyzyjne i kontrolne. Ponadto rolę innowacyjną ekonomii społecznej w dostarczaniu dóbr i usług przypisuje się także mieszanej strukturze osobowej przedsiębiorstw społecznych, złożonych z pracowników i wolontariuszy, co wymaga specjalnych umiejętności w zakresie zarządzania zasobami ludzkimi (zarządzanie partycypatywne) i jest nową jakością w porównaniu do działań dotychczasowych prowadzonych zwykle przez jedną ze stron.
Jak wskazano uprzednio, w przypadku inicjatyw ekonomii społecznej zysk z inwestycji nie stanowi wyłącznego celu działania. Instytucje gospodarki obywatelskiej wspierają taki model gospodarki, który poprzez prowadzone działania przyczynia się nie tylko do osiągnięcia korzyści ekonomicznych, ale także tworzy, podtrzymuje i rozwija więzi społeczne.
Polska
W Polsce rozwój sektora ekonomii społecznej jest uwarunkowany politycznie i ekonomicznie. W płaszczyźnie politycznej instytucje gospodarki społecznej przyczyniają się do stabilizacji porządku ustrojowego III RP poprzez łagodzenie społecznych i ekonomicznych skutków przemian i tworzenie gospodarki obywatelskiej zapewniającej zdobywanie i podnoszenie kwalifikacji oraz rozwijającej miejsca pracy dla osób o niskich kwalifikacjach, które z różnych powodów nie mogą podnosić poziomu wykształcenia i są zagrożone wykluczeniem, poprzez rozwój rynku różnorakich usług świadczonych na rzecz społeczności lokalnych i tworzenie w ten sposób źródeł zatrudnienia niewymagających wysokich kwalifikacji. W okresie minionego piętnastolecia organizacje polskiej nowej ekonomii podjęły przede wszystkim zadania w zakresie integracji społecznej i zawodowej najuboższych, budownictwa społecznego oraz pomocy w formie kredytów dla mniej zamożnych gospodarstw domowych oraz małych firm. Rozwinęły także bogatą sieć usług społecznych tworząc tym samym podstawy urzeczywistnienia nowego modelu / paradygmatu socjalnego opartego na PARTNERSTWIE SPOŁECZNYM (WELFARE PARTNERSHIP) między instytucjami publicznymi a społecznymi i prywatnymi.
Jak wskazują doświadczenia polskie, wprowadzenie i wprowadzanie do polskiego ustawodawstwa nowych typów instytucji społecznych, jak organizacje pożytku publicznego, spółdzielnie socjalne i centra integracji społecznej oraz działalność szerokiej rzeszy organizacji non-profit są dowodem rozwoju nowej krajowej gospodarki społecznej,
bowiem wiele z nich może zapewnić przejściowe choćby miejsca pracy i w ten sposób mogą przyczynić się do zmniejszenia polskiego masowego obecnie bezrobocia oraz stanowić siłę napędową dla lokalnej gospodarki. Koniecznym warunkiem powodzenia jest jednak, aby w polityce gospodarczej docenić rolę pracowniczych/grupowych form własności oraz, aby rozwijanie przedsiębiorczości społecznej odbywało się w ramach stabilnego partnerstwa i długoterminowej współpracy oraz wspólnej koordynacji między instytucjami przedsiębiorczości społecznej, organami administracji rządowej i jednostkami samorządu terytorialnego, a także innymi podmiotami lokalnego rozwoju (lokalne banki), w tym przedsiębiorcami prywatnymi i Kościołem.
Inicjatywy rządu polskiego z ostatniego okresu, w tym szczególnie ustawa o pożytku publicznym i wolontariacie, ustawa o zatrudnieniu socjalnym, ustawa o promocji zatrudnienia i instytucjach rynku pracy, projekt programu budownictwa socjalnego oraz program kształcenia ustawicznego stanowią sygnały wyłaniania się bardziej całościowej polityki rozwoju krajowej gospodarki społecznej. Wspomniane regulacje i programy rządu powstały w dużej mierze we współpracy i z inspiracji samych organizacji non-profit.
Dotychczasowe doświadczenia sektora nowej gospodarki społecznej realizowane w Polsce i za granicą wskazują na korzyści ze stosowania tego instrumentu przezwyciężania wykluczenia społecznego i wspomagania rozwoju lokalnego oraz rozwoju/promocji lokalnego zatrudnienia. Rozwój instytucji i programów gospodarki społecznej w Polsce stwarza także realną szansę odejścia od dotychczasowej filozofii gospodarki rynkowej opartej na asolidarystycznej wizji ładu społecznego i idei państwa opartej na etatyzmie i kapitalizmie sektora publicznego w kierunku bardziej partycypacyjnej i demokratycznej koncepcji gospodarki rynkowej.
Translation - English „Social enterprises are not for profit companies with business perspectives but with primarily social purposes; they need plans of activities adapted to social enterprises; they require support and financial instruments adequate to the values they serve”.
(John Pearce, Social Enterprise in Anytown)
I. THE IDEA OF SOCIAL ECONOMY AND SOCIAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP / SOCIAL ENTERPRISE
1. DEFINITION OF SOCIAL ECONOMY.
From many trials in defining social economy (or economics of political social economy, according to J. Wilkin) special attention should be given to the definition of the Flemish Consortium for Social Economy (VOSEC) from 1997. According to this approach initiatives and enterprises are characterised as social economy when one of their main objectives is the production of social benefits and observation of the following basic principles: priority of work over capital, observation of democratic decision making, management of services for local society as general objective and also strengthening of credibility, quality and sustainability of activities. In the VOSEC document attention is given also to the quality of internal and external relations in institutions of social economy as important characteristics of this group of ventures, and also to the meaning of economic efficiency, the necessity of achieving financial resources from market sources (sale of goods and services) and non-market (subsidies, donations, social work).
New social economy initiatives exist in several areas of economy and include a wide variety of activities with diversified character. Initially they were characterized mainly by activities connected with the work market, especially those related to social and vocational reintegration of socially excluded groups, in opposition to unfounded income polarisation of societies. In the framework of social economy also activities promoting environmentally-friendly initiatives were progressively developed, disseminating re-cultivation of refuses for example, new postulates appeared to raise house work to qualified range and evaluation of house work as basis for determination of retirement pensions and allowances for women who are involved in domestic duties’ work. Another area of initiatives in the framework of social economy is the promotion of economic ethics (tracking of social economy not only in terms of personal profit but also of its positive effects for the community) and economic democracy (workers’ and groups’ forms of ownership revalorisation, promotion of alternative forms of credits based on principles of subsidiarity) and rebuilding the idea of citizenship (J. Defourny, M. Simon and S. Adam, 2002).
2. DEFINITION OF SOCIAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP / SOCIAL ENTERPRISE
The duality of approach to social entrepreneurship / social enterprise (se)
a) Social entrepreneurship is perceived as a market-oriented subgroup of social economy and is understood as a separate, completely new institution of social economy aimed at achieving economic balance thanks to successful combination of market and non-market financial sources and non-monetary resources (social work) and revenues from private donations.
b) Social entrepreneurship is also used as expression of third sector organizations’ entrepreneurship which develops economic activity linking classic solidarism with the spirit of entrepreneurship.
c) Social entrepreneurship is also perceived as third sector organizations’ institutional answer to the problems of non-profit organizations’ financing which resulted from the transformation of the after-war tutelary State and contributions’ decrease. The innovative character of social economy and the financial risk undertaken by social economy activities are underlined in its definitions.
II. GENESIS
In Europe the concept of social entrepreneurship appeared in early nineties and has roots in the Italian movement of social cooperatives (Italian Parliament’s law on social cooperatives dated 1991). Reasons for the creation and the dynamic development of social entrepreneurship can be searched for on Italian ground and should be examined in the lack of fulfilment of many social needs by social services or their inadequate identification. According to OECD the development of social entrepreneurship is the result of after-war social systems’ transformation, market deficiency in supplying purposeful social services, new employment programs and cooperation between social and business partners and also as effect of demand increase for social services in general as well as proximity services. The answer to the question of present reasons for the development of new social entrepreneurship and not only third sector’s organizations or social economy should be seen also in the theories of entrepreneurship. Referring to the well known work of Schumpeter from 1943 on economic development, it is known that his objective is to develop new combinations in the production process. These combinations may refer to introduction of a new product or new product’s quality, introduction of a new production method, setting up a new market, attainment of new sources of raw materials or restoration of a certain organization’s branch.
In Poland, after 1989 a new social economy institution had been gradually built, especially with regard to the legal form of associations and foundations. Special attention should be given to the pioneering and original activities of the Barka Foundation for Mutual Help with regard to social and professional activation of social groups in the situation of or threatened by unemployment and social exclusion, thanks to which many persons and families from the poorest environments regained human dignity and hope, as well as real possibilities of return to the society and the work market. Besides integration initiatives the new Polish social economy also rebuilds with success and develops the credit and savings-related cooperativeness (huge development of SKOK) and more recently also the social cooperatives (E. Les, 2004) and activities for environmental protection.
III. LEGAL BASIS
1. Social enterprises adopt diverse legal forms: associations and cooperatives (Switzerland), cooperative societies and social solidarity cooperatives (Italy), companies (Spain), industrial societies and savings’ unions (Great Britain). In many countries of the European Union there is lack of a legal definition of social enterprises and many legal forms of social entrepreneurship are in operation.
2. In the majority of European Union’s countries social enterprises have three main legal forms (cooperatives, associations and foundations).
3. Legal solutions in selected European Union’s countries.
Belgium: societies with social objective (societe a finalite sociale), cooperatives, associations. Since 1995 social enterprises may choose between the status of not-for-profit associations or companies with social objective.
According to the Belgian law on companies with social objective, every enterprise may adopt the status of such a company under the condition of fulfilling 7 following criteria:
1. partners agree with not for profit activities or generation profit control
2. the enterprise accurately establishes social objectives, which can not be the distribution of profit to partners, even indirectly
3. the policy of the enterprise as to destination of profits and creation of reserves should reply to its social objectives
4. the enterprise has the obligation of issuing annual reports including information about the way in which social objectives were accomplished and also information on expenses for investments, operational and personnel costs
5. after one year of irreprehensible work every employee acquires the right of becoming partner of the enterprise
6. every employee who breaks the agreement with the enterprise looses the status of partner
7. in case of liquidation of the social enterprise and after paying all the debts the surplus is programmed for social aims through transference of the remaining funds to other enterprise with social objectives (OECD, 1999).
Italy
The Italian law No. 381 on social cooperatives (cooperative sociali) from 1991.
The objective of social enterprise is to provide benefits for local communities through promotion of humanitarian aspects and social integration of citizens. The law on social cooperatives distinguishes 2 types of cooperatives:
1. addressed to health, education and social services for elderly persons, addicted, handicapped, young people, immigrants and homeless people from outside European Union (Type A)
2. addressed to reintegration of disadvantaged groups in the work market through diverse forms of services assuring permanent work or help in finding job on competitive market (Type B).
To obtain adequate status the social cooperatives type B are obliged by law to employ minimum 30% of their workers from groups with social problems. In exchange the cooperative type B acquires the right to tax exemptions of social insurance charges and may ask for public support.
IV. EXAMPLES OF TYPES OF SOCIAL ENTERPRISES
Belgium:
Enterprises of professional integration for youth (about 1000 places of trade training, about 2000 participants annually)
Adapted work enterprises acting under the legal form of associations for handicapped people (about 20 000 persons find permanent work). Self-financing at the level of 60% (in average) from sale of goods and services on market. Public support specifically addressed to finance supervision over handicapped workers and compensation for lower productivity.
Social workshops in the framework of protected work for socially and professionally especially disadvantaged people (illiterate, persons from families with social problems) thanks to economic activities undertaken, partially self-financing, with considerable public support (80 workshops offering work to about 900 persons).
Reintegration-oriented enterprises active under legal form of companies (market-oriented social economy) for long term unemployed people with minimal qualifications, linking the social objective with market orientation. There are 25 such enterprises addressed to creation of permanent jobs on traditional labour market and achieving the majority of their income from sales of goods and services. A meaningful public support is programmed to balance the level of income of people in process of integration.
Proximity services’ enterprises mainly in the framework of social housing, revitalization of neglected areas, domestic services and children care.
As example, social housing organizations normally adopt the form of associations and ensure social mentoring to weaker lodgers on market and at the same time strengthen their position vis a vis the owners of the houses;
Invest in renovation of abandoned real estates frequently including in this process future lodgers (in the framework of the so called self-renovation agreements). There are many rent offers: from short to long term up to possibility of purchase of the residence;
Children’s care enterprises function in the form of associations, offer children’s care in unexpected situations (sickness, duty of the parent in vocational training obligations or in case of looking for work, organization of after school activities, organization of children’s care in periods when other institutions of this type are closed;
Proximity services’ enterprises in the area of domestic services function in the form of associations and address their services to elderly people in the form of assistance in managing issues, shopping and small repairs.
Great Britain
Social enterprises occur in the form of cooperatives or voluntary organizations. There is lack of separate law on cooperatives and social enterprises, which more frequently occur in the form of limited responsibility (cooperatives) and can be registered on force of the law on charitable organizations. Social enterprises function in the form of social firms, for example (employment of mentally ill people), with financial support from EU funds, as well as public-social partnerships and community businesses mainly in the form of non-profit organizations based on community’s property, initially addressed to mobilizing rural societies and strengthening their structures with the objective of organizing transport and commercial services (local society’s members have participation in community businesses and therefore they are the owners and controllers).
According to the definition of the British government “Social enterprise is an economic activity, which has also the objective of social obligation and invests profit surplus on social objectives instead of practicing the principle of generating the highest possible income on behalf of its shareholders or owners” (ECOTEC, 2003).
Ireland: limited responsibility company, industrial and savings society, cooperative, trust
- social enterprises of professional integration
- social enterprises addressed to social housing needs
- credit and savings cooperatives
- social enterprises providing individual and proximity services
- social enterprises for local development
Finland:
Social enterprises occur in the form of workshops for unemployed youth under the legal forms of associations, housing associations, housing cooperatives and rural cooperatives. The last run rural shops, mailing and banking services, elementary schools and health services.
It is accepted in literature (J. Defourny, 2001) that the name social enterprise includes the initiatives, which fulfil the following economic and social criteria:
Economic criteria:
1. permanent activity with direct objective of production of goods and/or sale of goods and services (in a lower degree than classic third sector’s organizations);
2. are engaged in advocacy or redistribution;
3. high level of autonomy: social enterprises are created on principles of volunteerism by groups of citizens and are managed by them (are not managed directly or indirectly by public authorities neither other institutions as private companies or federations), even if they may benefit from public donations. Their shareholders have the right of voice and own position, as well as the right of leaving the organization;
4. bring upon themselves significant economic risk (the financial basis of social enterprises’ activities depends on the efforts of their members and workers, who have the responsibility of ensuring adequate financial resources, in distinction to that of public institutions;
5. social enterprises’ activities require the existence of a minimum number of remunerated personnel, although similarly as in case of traditional social organizations, social enterprises may base their activities on both financial and non-financial resources, as well as on remunerated and social work.
Social criteria
1. the activity of social enterprises is explicite addressed to support and develop local society and promote the feeling of social responsibility at local level. One of the main objectives of social enterprises is to work for the development of local communities or selected groups, as well as produce goods and services, which are not provided by the market neither the State;
2. social enterprises differ also with regard to the local character of their activities and represent a result of collective efforts through engagement of citizens of a certain community or group, who join common needs or objectives;
3. democratic management in social enterprises is based on 1 place 1 voice; the decision process is not subject to capital participation, although capital owners in social enterprises play an important role, the rights of decision-making are shared with other shareholders;
4. participative character of social enterprises: the users of social enterprises’ services are represented and participate in their structures. In many cases one of the objectives is to strengthen the democracy at local level through economic activity;
5. limited distribution of profit: the definition of social enterprises includes organizations characterized by total prohibition of profits’ distribution as well as organizations such as cooperatives, which may distribute their profit only within a limited scope, avoiding in this way activities exclusively addressed to profit generation.
Characteristics of new social enterpreneurship:
New activities or new quality of services
The characteristic feature of new entrepreneurship undertaken by institutions and social economy organizations is mainly their innovative character in comparison to traditional initiatives of this type. The effects of the new entrepreneurship in the framework of social economy sector are new organizational methods and/or production methods of goods and social services, new market relations and new forms of entrepreneurship.
New organizational methods and/or production methods of goods and services
Comparing to traditional initiatives the new organizational methods and/or production methods of goods and services initiated by social economy institutions are based mainly on inclusion of cooperation of diverse categories of partners in the production process of goods and services. These partners are remunerated workers, volunteers and users/consumers/addressees of benefits and services, and also the supporting organizations. It is also very important to underline the role of the local government which, thanks to the possibility of including into cooperation many social actors and economic institutions plays especially important role in overcoming unemployment and poverty by promoting partnership with all social and economic local institutions. Even if the cooperation of all the parties does not revolution the way of providing services, it changes the way of activities’ administration and enables to join diverse financial and non-financial resources that remain at the disposal of specific partners for the creation of new work places.
The changing role of volunteerism and remunerated work in social economy enterprises
Volunteerism represents an important element in new social economy enterprises in EU countries. The role of volunteerism is changing from traditional charitable culture and “militant volunteerism” of the sixties and seventies towards a more pragmatic approach, which nature relies on addressing “production and socially useful objectives”, as well as citizens’ activities aimed at concrete needs.
In the new type of initiatives collectively named social enterprises volunteers frequently undertake roles perceived up to now as typically entrepreneurial activity and not social activity, as economic activities’ management for example.
The role of remunerated personnel in social enterprises is also changing in the framework of social economy. It refers mainly to unusual forms of employment, such as part time employment with reduced working time. Moreover, in social enterprises the worker’s traditional status is additionally enriched by the element of democratic participation. Employers of social economy institutions are at the same time members of administrative companies’ bodies in which they are employed and fulfil also decision-making and controlling roles. Furthermore, an innovative role in the social economy in providing goods and services applies to the mixed personnel’s structure in social enterprises, composed by workers and volunteers, what requires special skills in the framework of administration of human resources (participative management) and represents a new quality in comparison to the activities undertaken up to now frequently by one of the sides.
As indicated before, in case of social economy initiatives the profit from investment does not represent exclusive objective of activities. Citizens’ economy institutions support a model of economy which, through the activities undertaken, contributes not only to achieve economic benefits but also to create, maintain and develop social links.
Poland
In Poland, the development of social economy sector is conditioned politically and economically. At political level, social economy institutions contribute to system stabilization of Poland by attenuating social and economic effects of system transformation and creating citizens’ economy through development of market with diverse forms of services provided for local communities and in this way contribute to creation of employment sources that not require high qualifications. This new social economy will enable achievement and increase of qualifications and will also contribute to the development of work places for people with minimal qualifications who, for diverse reasons, can not increase their educational level and are threatened by social exclusion.
During the last 15 years Polish organizations of the new economy undertook tasks mainly in the framework of social and professional integration of the weakest groups, accessible housing and support in form of credits for the less wealthy households and small companies. A rich net of social services was also developed by non-governmental organizations creating the basis for realization of a new model / social paradigm based on SOCIAL PARTNERSHIP (WELFARE PARTNERSHIP) among public, social and private institutions.
As Polish experiences show, the successive introduction into Polish legislation of new types of social institutions, such as public benefit activities’ organizations, social cooperatives and centres of social integration, as well as activities of a wide variety of non-profit organizations are proof of the development of our national social economy. Indeed many of them may assure at least temporary work places and in this way may contribute to the reduction of the Polish presently massive unemployment and constitute the driving force of local economy. A necessary condition for the success is however that the economic policy duly appreciates the role of worker’s/collective forms of ownership. Another important condition is that the development of social entrepreneurship be made in the framework of stable partnership and long term cooperation, as well as common coordination among social entrepreneurial institutions, government and territorial administration and also other institutions of local development (local banks), including private entrepreneurs and the Church.
The last initiatives of the Polish government, especially the Law on Public Benefit Activities and Volunteerism, Law on Social Employment, Law on Promotion of Employment and Labour Market Institutions, project of Law on Social Housing and the programme of continuous education represent signs that a more global national development policy in the framework of social economy is emerging. The mentioned regulations and governmental programs had been created up to a great extent in cooperation and with inspiration of non-profit organizations themselves.
Experiences of the new social economy sector implemented up until now in Poland and abroad point to the benefits of applying this instruments to overcome social exclusion and support local development and employment. The development of institutions and social economy programs in Poland also creates a real chance to leave behind the currently prevailing philosophy of a market economy based on the anti-solidarity vision of social order and the idea of a country based on “jobbism” and capitalism in the public sector. Only then can a more participative and democratic concept of a market economy be developed.
Written by Prof. Ewa Leś
Ewa Leś is Professor of Political Science at Warsaw University, Chair of Postgraduate Programme of Social Economy Managers at University of Warsaw and Coordinator of the EQUAL Project on Social Economy "We Have Jobs", Chair of the Research Center on Non-Profit Organizations at the Institute of Political Studies, Polish Academy of Science and Director of Postgraduate Programme of NGOs Management at Collegium Civitas.
Polish to Portuguese: Fita de vedação pré-comprimida com impregnante à base de polímero acrílico
Source text - Polish Sprężona taśma uszczelniająca z impregnatem na bazie polimeru akrylowego
1. Krótki opis
2. illmod eco jest wstępnie sprężoną taśmą uszczelniającą z impregnatem na bazie polimeru akrylowego.
3. Służy do uszczelnień odpornych na działanie intensywnego deszczu, spoin i połączeń okiennych, połączeń w konstrukcjach metalowych, drewnianych i kontenerach.
4. Materiał
5. Poliuretanowe miękkie tworzywo piankowe o otwartych porach, zabezpieczone impregnatem polimerowym.
6. Kolor
7. antracytowy
8. szary
9. Zalety produktu
10. Odporna na działanie silnego deszczu do 600 Pa
11. Umożliwia dyfuzję pary wodnej
12. Elastyczna przy ruchach spoin
13. Odporna na promieniowanie UV
14. Forma dostawy
15. Taśma zrolowana, wstępnie sprężona, jednostronnie samoprzylepna.
16. Wymiary
17. Nr kat.
18. antracyt
19. szary
20. Głębokość szczeliny / szerokość szczeliny w mm
21. Szerokość szczeliny do uszczelnienia* w mm
22. karton/metrów
23. inne wymiary dostępne na żądanie
24. *Przemieszczanie się elementów budowlanych i spowodowane temperaturą zmiany długości należy dodać dodatkowo do istniejących szerokości spoin.
25. Tolerancja wymiaru: zgodnie z DIN 7715 P3.
26. Dane techniczne illbruck illmod eco
27. Klasa palności materiału budowlanego
28. Współczynnik oporu na dyfuzję pary wodnej
29. Odporność temperaturowa
30. Przepuszczalność powietrza dla spoiny
31. Odporność na działanie czynników atmosferycznych
32. Zaszeregowanie zgodnie z
33. Odporność na działanie silnego deszczu
34. Tolerancja z konwencjonalnymi materiałami budowlanymi
35. Okres magazynowania
36. Temperatura magazynowania
37. Norma
38. Klasyfikacja
39. B1 (trudnopalny), P-NDS 04-218
40. μ 100
41. -30 °C do 90 °C
42. 3 n a 0,1 m /[h •m• (daPa) ]
43. spełnia wymogi
44. BG1
45. spełnia wymogi do 600 Pa
46. spełniona
47. 12 miesięcy
48. 1°C do 20°C
49. 07/08 uszczeln.
50. 121
51. Tremco illbruck Sp.
52. z o.o.
53. ul.
54. Kuźnicy Kołłątajowskiej 13
55. 31-234 Kraków, Polska
56. Telefon: 012 – 665 33 08
57. Telefax: 012 – 665 33 09
58. e-mail: [email protected]
59. www.tremco-illbruck.com
60. Narzędzia
61. Do ułożenia potrzebna będzie taśma miernicza, szpachla, nożyczki lub nóż oraz ewentualnie kliny drewniane.
62. Montaż
63. Po ustaleniu szerokości spoiny należy wybrać odpowiednią szerokość taśmy, zgodnie z tabelą.
64. Odciąć sprężony początek lub końcówkę taśmy.
65. Przy przycinaniu taśmy do odpowiedniej długości należy dodać co najmniej 2 cm na metr.
66. Powierzchnie spoin powinny biec równolegle.
67. Ponadto, należy usunąć z powierzchni spoin resztki zaprawy i pozostałe zanieczyszczenia.
68. Ze względów technicznych taśma powinna być ułożona 2 mm od przedniej krawędzi powierzchni spoiny do wewnątrz.
69. W przypadku murowanych powierzchni spoiny w miejscu doklejenia taśmy rozprężnej wykonać jako pełne .
70. Wskazówki dotyczące montażu
71. Należy pamiętać o dodaniu ok.
72. 2 cm na metr do istniejącej długości spoiny.
73. Taśmy nie mogą być prowadzone po rogu ramy okiennej (rys.1).
74. Taśmę należy przeciąć i złączyć stykowo (rys.
75. 1 2).
76. Przy poziomym montażu należy przykleić taśmę rozprężną stroną samoprzylepną do dołu.
77. Wskazówka
78. Resztki rolek w otwartych kartonach należy obciążyć, aby uniknąć bocznego unoszenia się (teleskopowania) rolek.
79. W przypadku montażu na powierzchni malowanej, powlekanej, czy kamieniu naturalnym należy dowiedzieć się, jaka jest tolerancja wzajemna taśmy i podłoża.
80. Taśma nie może mieć kontaktu z rozpuszczalnikami i agresywnymi chemikaliami.
81. Rys.
82. 1: Montaż taśmy na ramie okiennej
83. Rys.
84. 2: Połączenie stykowe taśm
85. Serwis
86. Na życzenie klienta firma Tremco illbruck udostępnia w każdej chwili fachową pomoc techniczną.
87. Asortyment Tremco illbruck
88. illbruck taśmy uszczelniające do spoin
89. illbruck pianki poliuretanowe
90. illbruck butylowe taśmy uszczelniające
91. illbruck folie
92. illbruck produkty specjalne
93. illbruck narzędzia
94. Materiały uszczelniające Perennator
95. Kleje Festix
96. Informacje dodatkowe
97. Powyższe informacje mogą być tylko ogólnymi wskazówkami.
98. Ze względu na to, że nie mamy wpływu na warunki obróbki i zastosowania, jak również z powodu różnorodności stosowanych materiałów, należy przeprowadzić odpowiednie próby we własnym zakresie, aby sprawdzić materiał pod kątem dopasowania się do konkretnego zastosowania.
99. Stan informacji producenta na 07/08.
100. Zastrzega się możliwość zmian technicznych.
101. Najnowszą wersję znajdziecie Państwo na stronie www.tremco-illbruck.com
Translation - Portuguese Fita de vedação pré-comprimida com impregnante à base de polímero acrílico
1. Breve descrição
2. llmod eco é uma fita de vedação pré-comprimida com impregnante à base de polímero acrílico.
3. Serve para vedação resistente à ação de chuva intensa, para junções e uniões nas janelas, uniões nas construções de metal, madeira e containers.
4. Material
5. Plástico espumoso mole de poliuretano com poros abertos, protegido por polímero impregnante.
6. Cor
7. antracite
8. cinza
9. Vantagens do produto
10. Resistente à ação de chuva forte até 600 Pa
11. Facilita a difusão de vapor de água
12. Elástica durante os movimentos das junções
13. Resistente à radiação UV
14. Forma de fornecimento
15. Fita enrolada pré-comprimida, auto-adesiva de um lado.
16. Dimensões
17. N° cat.
18. antracite
19. cinza
20. Profundidade da fresta / largura da fresta em mm
21. Largura da fresta a vedar* em mm
22. cartão/metros
23. outras dimensões disponíveis sob encomenda
24. *Diferenças de comprimento provocadas pela temperatura e pelo deslocamento de elementos de construção devem ser adicionalmente acrescidas às larguras das junções.
25. Tolerância da dimensão: conforme a DIN 7715 P3.
26. Dados técnicos de illbruck illmod eco
27. Classe de inflamabilidade do material de construção
28. Coeficiente de resistência à difusão de vapor de água
29. Resistência à temperatura
30. Permeabilidade da junção ao ar
31. Resistência à ação de agentes atmosféricos
32. Classificação conforme a
33. Resistência à ação de chuva forte
34. Margem de tolerância aos convencionais materiais de construção
35. Período de armazenagem
36. Temperatura de armazenagem
37. Norma
38. Classificação
39. B1 (dificilmente inflamável), P-NDS 04-218
40. μ 100
41. -30 °C até 90 °C
42. 3 n a 0,1 m /[h •m• (daPa) ]
43. cumpre os requisitos
44. BG1
45. cumpre os requisitos até 600 Pa
46. cumprida
47. 12 meses
48. 1°C até 20°C
49. 07/08 ved.
50. 121
51. Tremco illbruck Sp.
52. z o.o.
53. ul.
54. Kuźnicy Kołłątajowskiej 13
55. 31-234 Cracóvia, Polônia
56. Telefone: 012 – 665 33 08
57. Telefax: 012 – 665 33 09
58. e-mail: [email protected]
59. www.tremco-illbruck.com
60. Ferramentas
61. Para a colocação é preciso uma fita métrica, uma espátula, uma tesoura ou faca e, eventualmente, cunhas de madeira.
62. Montagem
63. Depois de determinar a largura da junção escolha a adequada largura da fita, conforme a tabela.
64. Corte o início comprimido ou extremidade da fita.
65. Para obter o comprimento adequado adicione pelo menos 2 cm para cada metro.
66. As superfícies das junções devem ser colocadas paralelamente.
67. Além disso, restos de argamassa e outras impurezas devem ser retirados das superfícies das junções.
68. Por motivos técnicos coloque a fita a 2 mm da borda anterior da superfície da junção interna.
69. Em caso de superfície de tijolos realize as junções completas no lugar de colagem da fita expansível.
70. Indicações de montagem
71. Não se esqueça de adicionar aprox.
72. 2 cm para um metro ao comprimento existente da junção.
73. As fitas não devem ser colocadas no canto da armação da janela (fig.1).
74. A fita deve ser cortada e colada mantendo o contacto (fig.
75. 1 2).
76. Durante a montagem horizontal cole a fita expansível do lado auto-adesivo para baixo.
77. Indicação
78. Coloque peso nos restos dos rolos da fita em cartões abertos para evitar que os rolos se levantem lateralmente (amortização).
79. Em caso de montagem em superfície pintada, revestida ou em pedra natural verifique a tolerância mútua da fita e da superfície de aplicação.
80. Evite o contato da fita com solventes e produtos químicos agressivos.
81. Fig.
82. 1: Montagem da fita na armação da janela
83. Fig.
84. 2: Contato entre as fitas
85. Serviço
86. Mediante solicitação a empresa Tremco illbruck coloca a disposição dos clientes os serviços técnicos profissionais em qualquer momento.
87. Linha de produtos de Tremco illbruck
88. illbruck fitas para vedação de frestas
89. illbruck espumas de poliuretano
90. illbruck fitas para vedação de butilo
91. illbruck folhas de plastico
92. illbruck produtos especiais
93. illbruck ferramentas
94. Materiais para vedação Perennator
95. Colas Festix
96. Informações adicionais
97. As informações supracitadas são somente indicações gerais.
98. Visto que não temos influência sobre as condições de tratamento e utilização, assim como devido à variedade de materiais utilizados, é conveniente realizar os testes adequados por si mesmo para verificar a conformidade do material com a utilização concreta.
99. Informações do fabricante em 07/08.
100. Reserva-se a possibilidade de modificações técnicas.
101. A versão atualizada está disponível na página www.tremco-illbruck.co
English to Portuguese: Sea level rise General field: Other Detailed field: Environment & Ecology
Source text - English Sea level rise: It's worse than we thought
. 01 July 2009 by Anil Ananthaswamy
FOR a few minutes David Holland forgets about his work and screams like a kid on a roller coaster. The small helicopter he's riding in is slaloming between towering cliffs of ice - the sheer sides of gigantic icebergs that had calved off Greenland's Jakobshavn glacier. "It was like in a James Bond movie," Holland says afterwards. "It's the most exciting thing I have ever done."
Jakobshavn has doubled its speed in the past 15 years, draining increasing amounts of ice from the Greenland ice sheet into the ocean, and Holland, an oceanographer at New York University, has been trying to find out why. Scientists like him are more than a little astonished at the rate at which our planet's frozen frontiers seem to be responding to global warming. The crucial question, though, is what will happen over the next few decades and centuries.
That's because the fate of the planet's ice, from relatively small ice caps in places like the Canadian Arctic, the Andes and the Himalayas, to the immense ice sheets of Greenland and Antarctica, will largely determine the speed and extent of sea level rise. At stake are the lives and livelihoods of hundreds of millions of people, not to mention millions of square kilometres of cities and coastal land, and trillions of dollars in economic terms.
In its 2007 report, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) forecast a sea level rise of between 19 and 59 centimetres by 2100, but this excluded "future rapid dynamical changes in ice flow". Crudely speaking, these estimates assume ice sheets are a bit like vast ice cubes sitting on a flat surface, which will stay in place as they slowly melt. But what if some ice sheets are more like ice cubes sitting on an upside-down bowl, which could suddenly slide off into the sea as conditions get slippery? "Larger rises cannot be excluded but understanding of these effects is too limited to assess their likelihood," the IPCC report stated.
Even before it was released, the report was outdated. Researchers now know far more. And while we still don't understand the dynamics of ice sheets and glaciers well enough to make precise predictions, we are narrowing down the possibilities. The good news is that some of the scarier scenarios, such as a sudden collapse of the Greenland ice sheet, now appear less likely. The bad news is that there is a growing consensus that the IPCC estimates are wildly optimistic.
The oceans are already rising. Global average sea level rose about 17 centimetres in the 20th century, and the rate of rise is increasing. The biggest uncertainty for those trying to predict future changes is how humanity will behave. Will we start to curb our emissions of greenhouse gases sometime soon, or will we continue to pump ever more into the atmosphere?
Even if all emissions stopped today, sea level would continue to rise. "The current rate of rise would continue for centuries if temperatures are constant, and that would add about 30 centimetres per century to global sea level," says Stefan Rahmstorf of the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research in Germany. "If we burn all fossil fuels, we are likely to end up with many metres of sea level rise in the long run, very likely more than 10 metres in my view."
This might sound dramatic, but we know sea level has swung from 120 metres lower than today during ice ages to more than 70 metres higher during hot periods. There is no doubt at all that if the planet warms, the sea will rise. The key questions are, by how much and how soon?
To pin down the possibilities, researchers have to look at what will happen to all the different contributors to sea level under various emissions scenarios. The single biggest contributor to sea level rise over the past century has been the melting of glaciers and ice caps outside of Greenland and Antarctica, from Alaska to the Himalayas. According to one recent estimate, the continued loss of this ice will add another 10 to 20 centimetres to sea level by 2100. It cannot get much worse than this: even if all this ice melted, sea level would only rise by about 33 centimetres.
Expanding waters
The second biggest contributor has been thermal expansion of the oceans. Its future contribution is relatively simple to predict, as we know exactly how much water expands for a given increase in temperature. A study published earlier this year found that even if all emissions stopped once carbon dioxide levels hit 450 parts per million (ppm) - an unrealistically optimistic scenario - thermal expansion alone would cause sea level to rise by 20 centimetres by 2100, and by another 10 centimetres by 3000. At the other extreme, if emissions peak at 1200 ppm, thermal expansion alone would lead to a 0.5-metre rise by 2100, and another 1.4 metres by 3000 (see "How high, how soon?").
Then there are the great ice sheets of Greenland and Antarctica, which hold enough water to raise sea level by about 70 metres. Until recently, their contribution to sea level rise was negligible, and the IPCC predicted that Greenland would contribute 12 centimetres at most to sea level rise by 2100, while Antarctica would actually gain ice overall due to increased snowfall. "A lot of new results have been published since then to show that this very conservative conclusion does not hold," says Eric Rignot of the University of California, Irvine.
To study the ice sheets, Rignot and colleagues have combined satellite-based radar surveys, aircraft altimetry and gravity measurements using NASA's GRACE satellite. They found that ice loss is increasing fast. Greenland is now losing about 300 gigatonnes of ice per year, enough to raise sea level by 0.83 millimetres. Antarctica is losing about 200 gigatonnes per year, almost all of it from West Antarctica and the Antarctic Peninsula, raising levels by 0.55 millimetres. "The mass loss is increasing faster than in Greenland," Rignot says. "It'll overtake Greenland in years to come."
If this trend continues, Rignot thinks sea level rise will exceed 1 metre by 2100. So understanding why Greenland and Antarctica are already losing ice faster than predicted is crucial to improving our predictions.
The main reason for the increase is the speeding up of glaciers that drain the ice sheets into the sea. One cause is the knock-on effect of warmer air melting the surface of the ice: when the surface ice melts, the water pours down through crevasses and moulins to the base of glaciers, lubricating their descent into the sea. Fears about the impact of this phenomenon have receded somewhat, though: Antarctica is thought to be too cold for it to be a big factor, and even in Greenland it is only a summertime effect. "It's significant, but I don't think it's the primary mechanism that would be responsible for dramatic increases in sea level," says glaciologist Robert Bindschadler at the NASA Goddard Space Flight Center in Greenbelt, Maryland.
There is another way for surface melt to affect sea level, though. Meltwater fills any crevasses, widening and deepening the cracks until they reach all the way down to the base of the ice. This can have a dramatic effect on floating ice shelves. "Essentially, you are chopping up an ice shelf into a bunch of tall thin icebergs, like dominoes standing on their ends," says Bindschadler. "And they are not very stable standing that way." They fall over, and push their neighbours out to sea.
The most famous break-up in recent times - that of the Larsen B ice shelf on the Antarctic Peninsula in 2002 - likely happened this way. While the break-up of floating ice shelves does not raise sea level directly, the disintegration of Larsen B had consequences that models at the time failed to predict. With little to resist their advance, glaciers behind Larsen B immediately began to move up to eight times faster. Five smaller ice shelves in the rapidly warming Antarctic Peninsula have also broken up and many others are disintegrating.
What lies beneath
Surface melt poses little threat in West Antarctica, as it is so much colder. Here the danger comes from below. Take the ice shelf holding back the massive Pine Island glacier, which is thinning in a strange pattern. Radar scans have revealed giant "ripples" up to 100 metres deep on its underside.
Bindschadler thinks that the currents created by winter winds raise relatively warm water from a few hundred metres down in the Amundsen Sea off West Antarctica. This melts the underside of the ice shelf and gets trapped in the space it carves out, thus continuing to melt the ice from below over a few seasons. As the ice shelf thins, the Pine Island glacier behind it is speeding up, from 3 kilometres per year three years ago to over 4 kilometres per year according to the latest unpublished measurements by Ian Joughin of the University of Washington in Seattle.
What does this have to do with global warming? Climate change, aided and abetted by the loss of ozone, has strengthened the winds that circle Antarctica. This is speeding up the Antarctic circumpolar current and pushing surface waters away from the coast, causing deeper, warmer water to well up.
Along with the Thwaites glacier and some smaller ones, Pine Island glacier drains a third of the West Antarctic ice sheet. This ice sheet is particularly vulnerable to ocean heat because much of it rests on the seabed, a kilometre or more below sea level. This submarine ice will not raise sea level if it melts, but if it goes a lot of higher-level ice will end up in the ocean. The vulnerable parts contain enough ice to raise sea level 3.3 metres - less than the 5 metres that was once estimated but more than enough to have catastrophic effects.
Any increase in the temperature of seawater in contact with ice can lead to relatively rapid melting, as with the cavities discovered by Bindschadler. "The ocean has an enormous amount of heat compared to the atmosphere," he says.
Even in Greenland, where the ice sheet rests on land above sea level, ocean heat still matters. When not dodging giant icebergs, Holland has been trying to find out why Greenland's Jakobshavn glacier started moving faster in 1997, speeding up from around 6 kilometres per year to more than 9 kilometres per year by 2000 and 13 kilometres per year by 2003. The glacier continues to drain ice from the Greenland ice sheet at a higher rate than before.
The increase had been attributed to lubrication by meltwater, but Holland's team recently stumbled across data from local fishing boats, which deploy thermometers in bottom-trawling nets. One fact stood out: the temperature of the subsurface waters around West Greenland jumped in 1997, prior to the massive calving of Jakobshavn.
As the team reported last year, though, the real trigger lay in what happened in 1996. That year, the winds across the North Atlantic weakened, slowing down the warm Gulf Stream. The weakened current meandered aimlessly and hit west Greenland. "A modest change in wind gives you a big bang in terms of ice sheet dynamic response," says Holland.
Findings like these suggest that predicting sea level rise is even trickier than previously thought. If relatively small changes in winds and currents could have a big impact on ice sheets, we need extremely good models of regional climate as well as of ice sheets. At the moment we have neither - and while regional climate models are improving, ice sheet models are still too crude to make accurate predictions.
"They are coarse models that don't include mechanisms that allow glaciers to speed up," says Rignot. "And what we are seeing today is that this is not only a big missing piece, this could be the dominant piece. We can't really afford to wait 10 to 20 years to have good ice sheet models to tell people, 'Well, sea level is actually going to rise 2 metres and not 50 centimetres', because the consequences are very significant, and things will be pretty much locked in at that point."
So climate scientists are looking for other ways to predict sea level rise. Rahmstorf, for instance, is treating the Earth as one big black box. His starting point is the simple idea that the rate of sea level rise is proportional to the increase in temperature: the warmer Earth gets, the faster ice melts and the oceans expand. This held true for the last 120 years at least. "There is a very close and statistically highly significant correlation between the rate of sea level rise and the temperature increase above the pre-industrial background level," says Rahmstorf.
Extrapolating this to the future, based on IPCC emissions scenarios, suggests sea level will rise by between 0.5 and 1.4 metres - and the higher estimate is more likely because emissions have been rising faster than the IPCC's worst-case scenario. Rahmstorf's study got a mixed reception when it first appeared, but he can feel the winds of change. "I sense that now a majority of sea level experts would agree with me that the IPCC projections are much too low," he says.
Could even Rahmstorf's estimate be too low? It assumes the relation between temperature and sea level is linear, but some experts, most prominently James Hansen of NASA's Goddard Institute for Space Studies in New York, argue that because there are multiple positive feedbacks, such as the lubrication of glaciers by meltwater, higher temperatures will lead to accelerating ice loss. "Why do I think a sea level rise of metres would be a near certainty if greenhouse gas emissions keep increasing?" Hansen wrote in New Scientist (28 July 2007, p 30). "Because while the growth of great ice sheets takes millennia, the disintegration of ice sheets is a wet process that can proceed rapidly."
Hansen has made no specific prediction, however. So just how bad could it get? Tad Pfeffer of the University of Colorado in Boulder decided to work backwards from some of the worst-case scenarios: 2 metres by 2100 from Greenland, and 1.5 metres from West Antarctica, via the Pine Island and Thwaites glaciers. Just how fast would the glaciers have to be moving for the sea level to rise by these amounts? Pfeffer found that glaciers in Greenland would need to move at 70 kilometres per year, and Pine Island and Thwaites glaciers at 50 kilometres per year, from now until 2100. Since most glaciers are moving at just a few kilometres per year, to Pfeffer and many others, these numbers seem highly unrealistic.
Worst case
So what is possible? For scenarios based on conservative assumptions, such as a doubling of glacier speeds, Pfeffer found sea level will rise by around 80 centimetres by 2100, including thermal expansion. "For the high end, we took all of the values we could change and we pushed them forward to the largest numbers we imagined would be reasonable," says Pfeffer. The answer: 2 metres.
These estimates fit well with recent studies of comparable periods in the past, which have found that sea level rise averaged up to 1.6 metres per century at times. There is a huge caveat in Pfeffer's number crunching, though. "An important assumption we made is that the rest of West Antarctica stays put. And this is the part of West Antarctica that is held behind the Ross ice shelf and the Ronne ice shelf," says Pfeffer. "Those two ice shelves are very big, and very thick, and very cold. We don't see a way to get rid of those in the next century."
Holland is not so sure. He has been studying computer models of ocean currents around Antarctica, and he doesn't like what he sees. The subsurface current of warm water near the frozen continent, known as the circumpolar deep water, branches near the coast, and one branch hits Pine Island - which is probably why the ice there is thinning and speeding up. "Another branch of it comes ever so close to the Ross ice shelf," says Holland. "In some computer simulations of the future, the warm branch actually goes and hits Ross."
While it is impossible to predict exactly what will cause this, the lessons from Jakobshavn show that a small change in the wind patterns over Antarctica might be enough to shift the warm current towards and eventually underneath the Ross ice shelf. Then even this gigantic mass of ice - about the size of France - becomes vulnerable, regardless of how cold the air above it is. Pfeffer agrees that the Ross and Ronne ice shelves are the wild cards. "If we pull the plug on those two, then we create a very different world."
Is there really a danger of a collapse, which would cause a sudden jump in sea levels? Paul Blanchon's team at the National Autonomous University of Mexico in Cancun has been studying 121,000-year-old coral reefs in the Yucatan Peninsula, formed during the last interglacial period when sea level peaked at around 6 metres higher than today. His findings suggest that at one point the sea rose 3 metres within 50 to 100 years.
We just don't know if this could happen again in the 21st century. What is clear, though, is that even the lowest, most conservative estimates are now higher than the IPCC's highest estimate. "Most of my community is comfortable expecting at least a metre by the end of this century," says Bindschadler.
Most glaciologists who study Greenland and Antarctica are expecting at least a metre rise by the end of the century. And it will not stop at a metre. "When we talk of sea level rising by 1 or 2 metres by 2100, remember that it is still going to be rising after 2100," Rignot warns. All of which suggests we might want to start preparing. "People who are trying to downplay the significance say, 'Oh, the Earth has gone through changes much greater than this, you know, in the geological past'," says Pfeffer. "That's true, but it's completely irrelevant. We weren't there then."
What it all means
If a 1 metre rise in sea level doesn't sound like much, consider this: about 60 million people live within 1 metre of mean sea level, a number expected to grow to about 130 million by 2100.
Much of this population lives in the nine major river deltas in south and southeast Asia. Parts of countries such as Bangladesh, along with some island nations like the Maldives, will simply be submerged.
According to a 2005 report, a 1-metre rise in sea level will affect 13 million people in five European countries and destroy property worth $600 billion, with the Netherlands the worst affected. In the UK, existing defences are insufficient to protect parts of the east and south coast, including the cities of Hull and Portsmouth.
Besides inundation, higher seas raise the risk of severe storm surges and dangerous flooding. The entire Atlantic seaboard of North America, including New York, Boston and Washington DC, and the Gulf coast will become more vulnerable to hurricanes. Today's 100-year storm floods might occur as often as every four years - in which case it will make more sense to abandon devastated regions and towns than to keep rebuilding them.
Anil Ananthaswamy is a contributing editor for New Scientist
Translation - Portuguese Subida do nível do mar: Está pior do que pensávamos
. 01 jul 2009 por Anil Ananthaswamy
Por alguns minutos David Holland esquece o seu trabalho e grita como uma criança numa montanha russa. O pequeno helicóptero em que ele está andando está efetuando manobras entre altos penhascos de gelo - os lados finos dos gigantescos icebergues que fizeram recuar o glaciar Jakobshavn na Groenlândia. "Era como em num filme de James Bond", disse Holland depois. "Foi a coisa mais excitante que eu já tinha feito."
Jakobshavn duplicou a sua velocidade nos últimos 15 anos, drenando crescentes quantidades de gelo da massa de gelo da Groenlândia no oceano, e Holland, um oceanógrafo da Universidade de Nova Iorque, está tentando descobrir o porquê. Cientistas como ele estão muito espantados com a velocidade em que as fronteiras congeladas do nosso planeta parecem estar respondendo ao aquecimento global. A questão crucial, porém, é o que vai acontecer nas próximas décadas e séculos.
Isso porque o destino do gelo do planeta, de relativamente pequenas calotas de gelo em locais como o Ártico canadense, as Cordilheiras dos Andes e do Himalaia, para as imensas massas de gelo da Groenlândia e Antártida, irão determinar, em grande medida, a velocidade e a extensão da elevação do nível do mar. Em jogo estão as vidas e o sustento de centenas de milhões de pessoas, para não mencionar os milhões de quilômetros quadrados de cidades e terras costeiras, e trilhões de dólares em termos econômicos.
Em seu relatório de 2007, o Painel Inter-Governamental para as Alterações Climáticas (organismo das Nações Unidas IPCC) previu uma elevação do nível do mar entre 19 e 59 centímetros até 2100, mas essa previsão excluiu "rápidas mudanças dinâmicas futuras no fluxo de gelo”. Cruelmente falando, essas estimativas pressupõem que massas de gelo sejam quase como enormes placas de gelo assentadas sobre uma superfície plana, que irão permanecer no local enquanto o gelo estiver derretendo lentamente. Mas, o que acontecerá se algumas massas de gelo sejam como placas de gelo assentadas em uma tigela de cabeça para baixo, que poderiam de repente cair para o mar porque as condições estão se tornando escorregadias? "Maiores elevações não podem ser excluídas, mas a compreensão desses efeitos é demasiado limitada para avaliar o seu grau de probabilidade", afirma o relatório do IPCC.
Mesmo antes de ser liberado, o relatório já estava ultrapassado. Atualmente, os investigadores sabem muito mais. E, enquanto continuamos a não compreender a dinâmica das massas de gelo e glaciares suficientemente bem para fazer previsões exatas, estamos estreitando as possibilidades. A boa notícia é que alguns dos mais assustadores cenários, como um súbito colapso das massas de gelo da Groenlândia, agora parece menos provável. A má notícia é que há um consenso crescente de que as estimativas do IPCC são demasiadamente otimistas.
Os oceanos já estão subindo. O nível médio global do mar subiu cerca de 17 centímetros no século 20 e a velocidade de elevação está aumentando. A maior incerteza para aqueles que estão tentando prever futuras mudanças é a forma como a humanidade irá se comportar. Será que vamos começar a reduzir as nossas emissões de gases com efeito de estufa em futuro próximo ou vamos continuar a bombear cada vez mais na atmosfera?
Mesmo que todas as emissões fossem interrompidas hoje, o nível do mar continuaria a subir. "O atual grau de velocidade de elevação continuaria durante séculos se as temperaturas se mantivessem constantes e isso acrescentaria cerca de 30 centímetros por século ao nível do mar global ", diz Stefan Rahmstorf do Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research da Alemanha. "Se queimarmos todos os combustíveis fósseis, estamos suscetíveis de acabar com muitos metros de elevação do nível do mar, a longo prazo, muito provavelmente mais de 10 metros, em minha opinião."
Isso pode parecer dramático, mas sabemos que o nível do mar tem oscilado de 120 metros mais baixo do que hoje durante os séculos da idade glacial, para mais de 70 metros de elevação durante períodos quentes. Não há a menor dúvida de que, se o planeta aquecer, o mar vai subir. As principais questões são, quanto e quão logo?
Para conferir as possibilidades, os pesquisadores têm de analisar o que vai acontecer com todos os diferentes contribuintes ao nível do mar no âmbito de vários cenários de emissões. O único maior contribuinte para a subida do nível do mar durante o século passado foi o degelo dos glaciares e das calotas de gelo polares fora da Groenlândia e Antártida, do Alasca ao Himalaia. De acordo com uma estimativa recente, a perda contínua desse gelo acrescentará outros 10 a 20 centímetros ao nível do mar até 2100. Não pode ficar muito pior do que isso: mesmo que todo esse gelo derretesse, o nível do mar subiria apenas cerca de 33 centímetros.
Expansão das águas
O segundo maior processo que contribuiu para o aumento da elevação do nível do mar foi a expansão térmica dos oceanos. A sua contribuição futura é relativamente simples de prever, pois sabemos exatamente quanta água se expande para um determinado aumento de temperatura. Um estudo publicado no início deste ano constatou que, mesmo que todas as emissões fossem interrompidas quando os níveis de concentrações de dióxido de carbono na atmosfera atingissem 450 partes por milhão (ppm) - um cenário irrealisticamente otimista – a expansão térmica, por si só, poderia provocar uma elevação do nível do mar de até 20 centímetros até o ano 2100 e por outros 10 centímetros por volta do ano 3000. No outro extremo, caso as emissões atingirem o pico de 1200 ppm, a expansão térmica, por si só, conduziria a um aumento de 0,5 metros até o ano 2100, e outros 1,4 metros até o ano 3000 (veja "que elevação, em quanto tempo?").
Por outro lado, as enormes massas de gelo da Groenlândia e da Antártida possuem água suficiente para elevar o nível do mar em cerca de 70 metros. Até recentemente, a sua contribuição para a subida do nível do mar foi insignificante e o IPCC previu que a Groenlândia contribuiria no máximo com 12 centímetros para o aumento da elevação do nível do mar até 2100, enquanto a Antártida poderia realmente ganhar gelo devido ao aumento da queda de neve. "Inúmeros novos resultados foram publicados desde então, para mostrar que essa conclusão muito conservadora não tem confirmação", diz Eric Rignot da Universidade da Califórnia, Irvine.
Para estudar o fenômeno das massas de gelo, Rignot e colegas efetuaram inspeções combinadas por radar de satélite e medições de altimetria e gravidade por aeronaves utilizando o satélite GRACE da NASA. Eles descobriram que a perda de gelo está aumentando rapidamente. A Groenlândia está perdendo cerca de 300 giga-toneladas de gelo por ano, o suficiente para elevar o nível do mar em até 0,83 milímetros. A Antártida está perdendo cerca de 200 giga-toneladas por ano, quase todo ele do oeste da Antártida e da península Antártica, aumentando os níveis em 0,55 milímetros. "A perda de massa está aumentando mais rapidamente do que na Groenlândia", diz Rignot. "Tomará conta da Groenlândia nos próximos anos."
Se essa tendência continuar, Rignot acredita que a elevação do nível do mar excederá 1 metro por volta de 2100. Por isso, entender porque a Groenlândia e a Antártida já estão perdendo gelo mais rapidamente do que o previsto é fundamental para melhorar nossas previsões.
A principal razão para a elevação do nível do mar é a aceleração dos glaciares que drenam as massas de gelo para o mar. Uma das causas é o efeito de arrastamento de ar mais quente provocando o derretimento da superfície do gelo: quando a superfície do gelo derrete, a água é despejada para baixo, através dos canais e moinhos, para a base dos glaciares, lubrificando a sua descida para o mar. Receios sobre o impacto desse fenômeno têm diminuído um pouco, no entanto: acredita-se que a Antártida é demasiado fria para constituir um grande fator e até mesmo na Groenlândia é apenas um efeito de verão. "É significativo, mas não acho que seja o principal mecanismo que poderia ser responsável pelo dramático aumento da elevação do nível do mar", diz Robert Bindschadler, glaciologista do NASA Goddard Space Flight Center de Greenbelt, Maryland.
Entretanto, há outro caminho para que a superfície derreta e afete o nível do mar. O gelo derretido enche qualquer canal, alargando e aprofundando as frestas até que alcance todo o caminho por baixo até a base do gelo. Isso pode ter um efeito dramático sobre os flutuantes mantos de gelo. Basicamente, você fragmenta um manto de gelo em um maço de altos e finos icebergues, como pecas de dominós colocadas nas suas extremidades", diz Bindschadler. "E eles não são muito estáveis permanecendo nessa posição." Eles caem e empurram os seus vizinhos para o mar.
A mais famosa quebra nos últimos tempos - o manto do gelo Larsen B sobre a península Antártica, em 2002 - provavelmente aconteceu dessa maneira. Enquanto o desmembramento dos flutuantes mantos de gelo não elevou o nível do mar diretamente, a desintegração do Larsen B teve consequências que modelos naquele tempo não estavam em condições de prever. Com pouco para resistir o seu avanço, glaciares atrás do Larsen B imediatamente começaram a se mover até oito vezes mais rapidamente. Cinco menores mantos de gelo, na rapidamente aquecida península Antártica, também se quebraram e muitos outros estão se desintegrando.
O que repousa por baixo
Os efeitos da superfície que está se derretendo constituem pequena ameaça para a Antártida Ocidental, pois ela é muito mais fria. Aqui o perigo vem de baixo. Como exemplo temos os mantos de gelo que seguram o enorme glaciar Pine Island, que está se estreitando em um estranho padrão. Sondagens com radar revelaram gigantes "ondulações" de até 100 metros de profundidade na sua parte inferior.
Bindschadler acha que as correntes criadas pelos ventos do inverno elevam relativamente a água quente a partir de algumas centenas de metros de profundidade no mar Amundsen ao largo da Antártida Ocidental. Isso derrete a parte inferior do manto de gelo e fica preso no espaço que esculpe, de forma a continuar a derreter o gelo por baixo durante algumas épocas do ano. À medida em que o manto de gelo torna-se mais fino, o glaciar Pine Island por trás dele está acelerando, de 3 quilômetros por ano há três anos, para mais de 4 quilômetros por ano, de acordo com as últimas medições não publicadas feitas por Ian Joughin da Universidade de Washington de Seattle.
O que isso tem a ver com o aquecimento global? A alteração climática, auxiliada e impelida pela perda de ozônio, tem reforçado os ventos que circulam a Antártida. Isso está acelerando a corrente circumpolar Antárctica e empurrando as águas da superfície para longe da costa, impelindo profunda água mais quente para cima.
Juntamente com o glaciar Thwaites e alguns menores, o glaciar Pine Island drena um terço da massa de gelo da Antártida Ocidental. Essa massa de gelo é particularmente vulnerável ao calor do oceano, porque grande parte dela repousa no fundo do mar, um quilômetro ou mais abaixo do nível do mar. Esse submarino de gelo não irá elevar o nível do mar se se derreter, mas se ele for consideravelmente para um nível mais alto, o gelo irá acabar no oceano. As partes vulneráveis contêm gelo suficiente para elevar o nível do mar em 3,3 metros - menos que os 5 metros que foram estimados, porém mais do que o suficiente para causar efeitos catastróficos.
Qualquer aumento da temperatura da água do mar em contato com o gelo pode levar a um relativamente rápido descongelamento, como acontece com as cavidades descobertas por Bindschadler. "O oceano tem uma enorme quantidade de calor em comparação com a atmosfera", diz ele.
Mesmo na Groenlândia, onde a massa de gelo assenta em terras acima do nível do mar, o calor do oceano ainda é importante. Quando não estava perseguindo icebergues gigantes, Holland estava tentando descobrir por qual motivo o glaciar Jakobshavn da Groenlândia começou a se movimentar mais rapidamente em 1997, acelerando a partir de cerca de 6 quilômetros por ano para mais de 9 quilômetros por ano até 2000 e 13 quilômetros por ano por volta de 2003. O glaciar continua a drenar gelo da massa de gelo da Groenlândia a uma velocidade mais acelerada do que antes.
A aceleração foi atribuída à lubrificação por águas provenientes de gelo derretido, mas a equipe de Holland recentemente encontrou por acaso dados de barcos de pesca locais, que implantam termômetros em redes de arrasto pelo fundo. Um fato mereceu atenção: a temperatura das águas subsuperficiais em torno da Groenlândia Ocidental saltou em 1997, antes do enorme recuo de Jakobshavn.
Como a equipe relacionou no ano passado, o verdadeiro desencadeador está no que aconteceu em 1996. Naquele ano, os ventos em todo o Atlântico Norte enfraqueceram-se, abrandando o fluxo quente do Golfo. A corrente enfraquecida andou sem destino e bateu no oeste da Groenlândia. "Uma pequena mudança no vento origina uma “grande explosão” em termos de resposta dinâmica da massa de gelo", diz Holland.
Descobertas como essas sugerem que previsões da elevação do nível do mar são ainda mais complicadas do que se pensava anteriormente. Se relativamente pequenas mudanças nos ventos e correntes poderiam ter um grande impacto sobre massas de gelo, precisamos de muito bons modelos regionais de clima, bem como de massas de gelo. No momento não temos nem um nem outro - e enquanto modelos climáticos regionais estão sendo melhorados, modelos de massas de gelo ainda são demasiado imperfeitos para fazer previsões exatas.
"Os modelos são rudimentares e não incluem mecanismos que permitem a simulação de aceleração dos glaciares", diz Rignot. "E o que estamos vendo hoje é que essa não é apenas uma grande peça que falta, essa poderá ser uma peça dominante. Na realidade, não podemos nos dar ao luxo de esperar 10 a 20 anos para termos bons modelos de massa de gelo para dizer às pessoas: “Bem, o nível do mar, na realidade, vai subir 2 metros e não 50 centímetros”', porque as consequências são muito significativas e as coisas serão bastante bloqueadas naquele momento. "
Portanto, cientistas responsáveis por previsões climáticas estão à procura de outras formas de previsão da elevação do nível do mar. Rahmstorf, por exemplo, está tratando a Terra como uma grande caixa preta. Seu ponto de partida é a simples ideia de que a velocidade de aumento da elevação do nível do mar é proporcional ao aumento da temperatura: à medida que a Terra fica mais quente, o gelo derrete mais rapidamente e os oceanos se expandem. Essa verdade foi levada em consideração durante os últimos 120 anos pelo menos. "Existe uma correlação muito estreita e estatisticamente altamente significativa entre a velocidade de subida do nível do mar e o aumento da temperatura acima do nível da época pré-industrial", diz Rahmstorf.
Extrapolando isso para o futuro, com base em cenários de emissões, o IPCC sugere que o nível do mar subirá entre 0,5 e 1,4 metros - e a maior estimativa é a mais provável porque as emissões têm aumentado mais rapidamente do que o pior cenário do IPCC. O estudo de Rahmstorf teve uma recepção mista, quando apareceu pela primeira vez, mas ele pode sentir os ventos da mudança. "Eu sinto que agora a maioria dos especialistas do nível do mar concordariam comigo que as previsões do IPCC são demasiado baixas", diz ele.
Mesmo a estimativa de Rahmstorf poderia ser demasiado baixa? Ela assume que a relação entre a temperatura e o nível do mar é linear, mas alguns especialistas, mais proeminentemente James Hansen, do Goddard Institute for Space Studies da NASA de Nova Iorque, argumenta que, pelo fato de haver múltiplas respostas positivas, tais como a lubrificação dos glaciares por água do gelo derretido, temperaturas mais altas provocarão aceleração de perda de gelo. "Porque eu acho que uma subida do nível do mar de metros seria uma certeza em breve se as emissões de gases de estufa continuarem a aumentar?" Hansen escreveu para a revista New Scientist (28 de Julho de 2007, p 30). "Porque, enquanto o crescimento de grandes massas de gelo leva milênios, a desintegração de massas de gelo é um processo úmido que pode avançar rapidamente."
No entanto, Hansen não fez nenhuma previsão específica. Então, o quão ruim a realidade poderia se tornar? Tad Pfeffer, da Universidade de Colorado de Boulder, decidiu trabalhar levando em consideração alguns dos piores cenários iniciais: 2 metros por volta de 2100 provenientes da Groenlândia e 1,5 metros da Antártida Ocidental, através dos glaciares Pine Island e Thwaites. Com que rapidez os glaciares teriam que se deslocar para aumentar a elevação do nível do mar para esses valores? Pfeffer descobriu que glaciares da Groenlândia precisariam passar a 70 quilômetros por ano, e os glaciares de Pine Island e Thwaites a 50 quilômetros por ano, a partir de agora até 2100. Dado que a maioria dos glaciares está se movendo apenas a alguns quilômetros por ano, para Pfeffer e muitos outros, esses números parecem muito irrealísticos
A pior eventualidade
Então, o que é possível? Para os cenários baseados em hipóteses conservadoras, como a duplicação das velocidades dos glaciares, Pfeffer descobriu que o nível do mar subirá cerca de 80 centímetros até 2100, incluindo a expansão térmica. "Para o extremo superior, tomamos todos os valores que poderíamos mudar e atribuímos os maiores números que imaginamos serem razoáveis", disse Pfeffer. A resposta: 2 metros.
Essas estimativas enquadram-se bem com os recentes estudos de períodos comparáveis no passado, segundo os quais foi constatado que, as vezes, 1,6 metros de elevação do nível do mar por século é a média. Entretanto, existe um enorme obstáculo quanto ao número de fragmentações estimado por Pfeffer. "Um pressuposto importante que fizemos é que o resto da Antártida Ocidental permanecerá assentado. E essa é a parte da Antártida Ocidental que é detida por trás dos mantos de gelo de Ross e Rønne", disse Pfeffer. "Esses dois mantos de gelo são muito grandes, muito espessos e muito frios. Não estamos vendo nenhuma possibilidade de nos livrarmos deles durante o próximo século."
Holland não esta tão certo. Ele tem estudado modelos computadorizados de correntes oceânicas ao redor da Antártida e não gosta do que vê. A corrente subsuperficial de água quente perto do continente congelado, conhecida como a água profunda circumpolar, ramifica-se perto da costa e um ramo dela atinge o Pine Island - o que é provavelmente a razão pela qual o gelo está se derretendo e acelerando. "Outro ramo dela vem mesmo perto demais do manto de gelo Ross", diz Holland. "Em algumas simulações computadorizadas para o futuro, o ramo quente realmente anda e bate no Ross."
Enquanto seja impossível de prever exatamente o que irá causar isso, as lições de Jakobshavn mostram que uma pequena mudança nos padrões do vento sobre a Antártida poderia ser suficiente para mudar o rumo da corrente quente para e, eventualmente, por baixo do manto de gelo Ross. Então, mesmo essa gigantesca massa de gelo - aproximadamente do tamanho da França - torna-se vulnerável, independentemente da temperatura do ar frio acima dela. Pfeffer concorda que os mantos de gelo de Ross e Rønne constituem as cartas cruéis. "Se puxássemos um plugue sobre esses dois, criaríamos um mundo muito diferente."
Existe realmente perigo de um colapso, que poderia causar um súbito salto nos níveis do mar? A equipe de Paul Blanchon da Universidade Nacional Autônoma do México, de Cancun, tem estudado os recifes de corais de 121.000 anos de idade na península de Yucatán, formados durante o último período interglacial, quando o nível do mar atingiu o ponto máximo de 6 metros a mais do que hoje. Seus achados sugerem que, em um ponto, o mar subiu 3 metros no período de 50 a 100 anos.
Nós só não sabemos se isso poderia acontecer novamente no século 21. O que é claro, porém, é que mesmo as mais baixas, as mais conservadoras estimativas estão agora mais elevadas do que a mais alta estimativa do IPCC. "A maior parte da minha comunidade está se sentindo confortável, esperando pelo menos um metro até o final deste século", diz Bindschadler.
A maioria dos glaciologistas que estudam a Groenlândia e a Antártida estão esperando pelo menos um metro de elevação até o final do século. E não vai parar em um metro. "Quando falamos da subida do nível do mar por 1 ou 2 metros até 2100, lembre-se que o nível do mar ainda continuará a se elevar após 2100", adverte Rignot. Tudo isso sugere que podemos querer começar a nos prepararmos. "As pessoas que estão tentando minimizar a importância dizem: ”Oh, a Terra passou por mudanças muito maiores do que isso, sabem, no passado geológico'", diz Pfeffer. "Isso é verdade, mas é completamente irrelevante. Nós não estivemos lá naquele tempo."
O que tudo isso significa
Se um aumento de 1 metro do nível do mar não soa como muito, considere o seguinte: cerca de 60 milhões de pessoas vivem dentro da área de 1 metro do mais baixo nível do mar, com um aumento esperado de cerca de 130 milhões por volta de 2100.
Grande parte dessa população vive nos nove maiores deltas ribeirinhos no sul e sudeste da Ásia. Alguns dos países como o Bangladesh, juntamente com alguns países insulares como as Maldivas, serão simplesmente submersos.
De acordo com um relatório de 2005, 1 metro de subida do nível do mar afetará 13 milhões de pessoas em cinco países europeus e destruirá propriedades no valor de $ 600 bilhões, com os Países Baixos os mais afetados. No Reino Unido, as defesas existentes são insuficientes para proteger partes da costa leste e sul, incluindo as cidades de Hull e Portsmouth.
Além da inundação, mares mais elevados aumentam o risco de graves tempestades súbitas e inundações perigosas. Toda a costa atlântica da América do Norte (incluindo Nova Iorque, Boston e Washington DC) e a costa do Golfo, se tornarão mais vulneráveis a furacões. As tempestades e inundações dos últimos 100 anos poderão ocorrer com a frequência de a cada quatro anos – nesse caso fará mais sentido abandonar regiões e cidades devastadas ao invés de reconstruí-las de cada vez.
Anil Ananthaswamy é um editor contribuindo para a revista New Scientist
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