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B. Sc. in Biology | Freelancer and outsourcer,  Verified member | | Blue Board: Satto Translations | | Translation, Editing/proofreading, Website localization, Voiceover (dubbing), Subtitling, Transcription | | Specializes in: | | Automotive / Cars & Trucks | Medical (general) | | Manufacturing | Finance (general) | | Environment & Ecology | Construction / Civil Engineering | | Chemistry; Chem Sci/Eng | Business/Commerce (general) | | Biology (-tech,-chem,micro-) | Petroleum Eng/Sci |
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Your Right to Know Is Under Attack
I worry about the citizens of Providence, who aren't likely to see their local officials taking envelopes of cash again any time soon.
By Jonathan Alter
Newsweek
Jim Taricani, a local TV news reporter in Providence, R.I., cannot go to the grocery store. Because Taricani is a heart-transplant survivor, a federal judge is letting him serve his six-month prison sentence at home, but he is prohibited from using the Internet, talking to the media or leaving the house except for medical care. Taricani's crime is that he would not reveal to a grand jury who leaked him an FBI videotape that showed a top aide to former Providence mayor Buddy Cianci accepting a bribe. The leaker, a defense attorney, came forward to say he'd given Taricani the tape. It didn't matter. Judge Ernest Torres still ruled that Taricani must be placed under house arrest, while the attorney will likely get off with a wrist slap.
Something strange is going on in the relationship between the media and the criminal-justice system. With the mainstream media less popular than HMO administrators, frustrated prosecutors in federal cases are increasingly shooting the messengers. It doesn't work in state court, because almost every state has either shield laws or court decisions that give journalists a “privilege” that allows them to refuse to testify. But while lawyers, clergy, psychiatrists and, under a recent Supreme Court decision, social workers can protect confidentiality before federal grand juries, journalists cannot.
This is scary stuff. My greatest concern is not the personal fates of Taricani or Judy Miller of The New York Times and Matt Cooper of Time, though the latter two are friends of mine who heard from a federal appeals court last week that they will likely go to jail for up to 18 months for refusing to testify before a grand jury in the Valerie Plame case. What worries me more are the consequences for the citizens of Providence, who aren't likely to catch a glimpse of their local officials taking envelopes of cash again any time soon; the baseball fans who wouldn't have known which players were juiced on steroids if the San Francisco Chronicle had not published grand jury testimony (those reporters are being threatened by prosecutors), and the broader American public, which may be entering an era where our news consists of press releases, spin and nothing much that the government does not want us to know.
I'm not a First Amendment purist. In fact, I've gotten into trouble in the past for revealing other reporters' sources. I figure it's their job to protect them, not mine, and if I knew who leaked to Miller and Cooper about the identity of Plame, a CIA operative, I'd tell you. I understand why judges cannot allow reporters to defy court orders. I even understand why the special prosecutor in the Plame leak case, U.S. Attorney Patrick J. Fitzgerald, would want to issue narrow subpoenas to question reporters. (The case, you'll recall, stems from charges that members of the Bush administration leaked Plame's identity to get back at her husband, Joseph Wilson, a former ambassador who was dispatched on a special mission to Niger. Wilson went public with the charge that the president was not telling the truth in his 2003 State of the Union address when he suggested Saddam Hussein was obtaining yellowcake uranium from that country.)
What I don't understand is why the “two senior administration officials” who identified Plame to columnist Robert Novak are no longer at the center of the story. If this were the Clinton era, we'd be treated to constant speculation about whether it was Sidney Blumenthal or Harold Ickes or maybe the Clintons themselves (!) who had committed this dastardly deed. Instead, Miller is facing jail time for a story she never even wrote and for conversations with sources she may have never had. Nine pages of specifics were blacked out from the court's decision. “This is Orwellian,” she told me last week. “How can you mount a case when you can't see the case against you?”
Ironically, the columnist who first published Plame's identity as a CIA operative, Novak, is not in legal jeopardy. No one knows for sure whether he cooperated with the grand jury, though I heard last week that he did and that he told a friend, “It's the law.” The best guess is that his definition of “protecting” sources was to protect them from prosecution by telling the grand jury that they didn't know they were violating the law, a legit excuse under the statute. (Fitzgerald may now be pressuring Miller and Cooper to establish a pattern by the leakers that would look less innocent than what Novak apparently suggests.) Novak's only recent comment on the case came in a song parody he performed at last year's Gridiron dinner. He has told CNN that he will walk off the set if he is asked about it. Such is the coziness of Washington that no one dares do so, though it would make great TV.
The bottom line is that while reporters overuse anonymous quotes, their relationships with confidential sources are often the only way to get real news. This isn't a partisan issue. Republican Sen. Richard Lugar of Indiana and Republican Rep. Mike Pence, also of Indiana (Hoosier horse sense?), have a shield bill pending. Without it, we'll soon know less and less about more and more.
© 2005 Newsweek, Inc.
| Translation - Spanish
Su derecho de saber está bajo ataque
Me preocupan los ciudadanos de “Providence”, quienes probablemente no verán a sus funcionarios locales nuevamente recibiendo sobres llenos de dinero muy pronto.
Por Jonathan Alter
Newsweek
Jim Taricani, un reportero de la televisión local de Providence, estado de Rhode Island ni siquiera puede ir al supermercado. Como Taricani es un sobreviviente de un transplante de corazón, un juez federal le está permitiendo cumplir su sentencia de seis meses en su casa, prohibiéndole utilizar el Internet, hablar con la prensa o dejar su hogar, excepto para asistir a tratamientos médicos. El crimen de Taricani es que no quiso revelar al gran jurado la fuente que le suministró una cinta de video del FBI, la cual mostraba a un importante asistente del pasado alcalde de Providence, Buddy Cianci, recibiendo un soborno. El informante, un abogado defensor, reveló haber entregado la cinta a Taricani. Sin embargo, para el Juez Ernesto Torres, esto no importó ya que sentenció a Taricani a permanecer bajo arresto domiciliario, mientras que probablemente, el abogado será apenas amonestado.
Sucede algo extraño en las relaciones entre la prensa y el sistema de justicia criminal. Siendo el grueso de la prensa menos popular que los administradores del Sistema de Salud (HMO por sus siglas en inglés), los frustrados fiscales están persiguiendo apresuradamente a los mensajeros en casos federales. Esto no funciona en los estrados estatales, ya que casi todos los estados han promulgado leyes de protección o han tomado decisiones en sus cortes otorgando a los periodistas el “privilegio” que les permite rehusarse a testificar. Pero mientras que los abogados, la iglesia, los siquiatras y recientemente a los trabajadores sociales les está permitido proteger la confidencialidad ante los jurados federales, debido a una reciente decisión de la Corte Suprema de Justicia, a los periodistas se les ha negado el mismo derecho.
Esto es aterrador. Mi mayor preocupación no es el destino de Taricani o Judy Miller del New York Times o Matt Cooper de la revista Time, aunque estos dos últimos, amigos personales, ya tuvieron informe la semana pasada de la corte de apelaciones federal que probablemente irán a parar a la cárcel hasta por un período de 18 meses, por rehusarse a testificar ante el gran jurado en el caso de Valerie Plame. Lo que más me preocupa son las consecuencias para los ciudadanos de Providence, quienes probablemente no verán a sus funcionarios locales nuevamente recibiendo sobres llenos de dinero muy pronto o a los fanáticos de béisbol que no hubiesen sabido qué jugadores estaban cargados de esteroides si el San Francisco Chronicle no hubiera publicado los testimonios del gran jurado (estos periodistas están siendo amenazados por los fiscales) y finalmente, el público general americano, el cual puede estar incursionando en una era en donde la noticia consiste en comunicados de prensa, puntos de vista arreglados y no mucho más de lo que el gobierno quiera que el público conozca.
No soy un purista de la Primera Enmienda. De hecho, en el pasado me he metido en problemas por revelar las fuentes de otros reporteros. Pienso que es su labor protegerlas no el mío y si yo supiera quién informó a Miller y Cooper que Plame era una agente de la CIA, ya lo hubiera dicho. Entiendo porqué los jueces no pueden permitir que los periodistas desafíen las ordenes judiciales. Hasta entiendo porqué el fiscal especial de Estados Unidos del caso Plame, Patrick J. Fitzgerald quisiera emitir citaciones de alcance limitado para interrogar a los periodistas (el caso, como se recordará, es donde miembros de la administración Bush revelaron la identidad de Plame para vengarse de su esposo, un pasado embajador quien fuera enviado a Níger en misión especial. Wilson acusó públicamente al Presidente de no decir la verdad en su discurso del Estado de la Unión de 2003, al sugerir que Saddam Hussein estaba obteniendo óxido de uranio de Níger)
Lo que no entiendo es porqué los “dos funcionarios de alto rango” quienes delataron a Plame al columnista Robert Novak no son el centro de la historia. Si aún fuese la era Clinton, estaríamos sujetos a una constante especulación sobre si fue Sidney Blumenthal o Harold Ickes o hasta los mismos esposos Clinton, quienes se hubieran prestado a este vil acto. En vez de esto, Miller se enfrenta a ser encarcelada por una historia que ni siquiera ella escribió y por conversaciones con fuentes que ella probablemente nunca tuvo. Se censuraron nueve páginas de la decisión de la corte. Ella me dijo la semana pasada: “Esto es Orweliano” , ¿Cómo se puede montar un caso cuando no se puede ver en caso en su contra?
Irónicamente, Novak, el columnista que primero publicó la identidad de Plame ser una agente de la CIA, no se encuentra en riesgo de ser judicializado. Nadie sabe a ciencia cierta si cooperó con el gran jurado; aunque la semana pasada escuché que si había cooperado y que le había comentado a un amigo: “Esa es la ley”. La conjetura es que su definición de “proteger” sus fuentes fue proteger aquellos a ser juzgados al decirle al gran jurado que no sabían que estaban quebrantando la ley, una excusa legítima bajo ese estatuto. (Fitzgerald, ahora puede estar presionando a Miller y Cooper para poder establecer un patrón delator, que se vería menos inocente que lo que Novak aparentemente sugiere) el único comentario de Novak sobre el caso, lo hizo en forma de parodia de una canción en la cena del club Gridiron del año pasado. Novak ha dicho a CNN que se saldría del escenario si se le preguntaba sobre el caso. Con tal comodidad de Washington, nadie se atreve a hacerlo, aunque sería un buen espectáculo de televisión.
En resumidas cuentas, mientras que los reporteros emplean repetidamente citas anónimas, sus relaciones con fuentes confidenciales son a menudo la única manera de conseguir noticias de verdad. Esto no es un asunto de partido. El senador republicano de Indiana Richard Lugar y el representante republicano Mike Pence también de Indiana (¿sentido común de Indiana?) tienen un proyecto de ley pendiente de protección. Sin él pronto sabremos menos de más.
© 2005 Newsweek, Inc.
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